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Thursday, 4 January 2024

RFK Jr. criticizes decisions to remove Trump from the ballot


Independent candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr. sided with Donald Trump on Wednesday in the former president's battle to remain on the ballot.

“Donald Trump has not been convicted of an insurrection. Maybe he did it but, you know, he hasn’t been charged with it,” said Kennedy, who is also an attorney. "I don't think it's fair."

Kennedy also said that if Trump remains off the ballot it will make his supporters “angry and frustrated and justifiably so” with the democratic process, at a press conference in Utah touting his place on the state's ballot in November.

Kennedy also has his own challenges gaining ballot access, which is often an expensive and legally complicated process for third-party candidates. The president of the super PAC supporting Kennedy has also drawn comparisons between legal challenges to Trump staying on ballots and Kennedy.

“We don’t need to be protected from a candidate by this sort of anti-democratic set of forces that is gaining traction in this country,” said Tony Lyons, president of American Values 2024, on The Sharyl Attkisson Podcast after the Maine decision. “Whether it’s Bobby Kennedy or Donald Trump or Joe Biden, it’s a direction that’s obviously bad for democracy.”

Kennedy said he aims to be on the ballot in all 50 states and Washington, D.C., which means navigating 51 different legal procedures, all with different deadlines and requirements. Utah's deadline was the earliest, so it was the first target for the campaign.

The campaign is also actively gathering signatures in the swing state of Arizona, where campaign press secretary Stefanie Spear said the state’s electors have been certified, as well as Missouri, Maryland and Nevada.

Kennedy has also hired a team of lawyers, including campaign counsel Paul Rossi, who successfully sued the state of Utah to extend its signature gathering deadline from Jan. 6 to March 5.

American Values 2024 has also committed up to $15 million to help Kennedy gain access in seven states, including the swing state of Georgia.

An independent candidate pulling even single-digit support can disrupt typical election strategies, but Kennedy also floated the idea that he could win the presidency with minority support at the Utah press conference on Wednesday.

“You could technically win the election with 34 percentage points because it’s winner take all,” Kennedy said. “So all we have to do is take 4.5 percentage points from each President Trump and President Biden to win the national election, and I have 11 months to do that.”

Kennedy’s polling average is currently about 13 percent, according to RealClearPolitics.

"I’m very, very confident that that’s going to happen,” he said.



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US and allies warn Houthis of ‘consequences’ as Red Sea crisis intensifies

Statement calls for 'collective action' amid spate of attacks in crucial trade route.

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Wednesday, 3 January 2024

Michael Cohen can’t hold Trump liable for retaliatory imprisonment, appeals court says


NEW YORK — Michael Cohen can’t hold his former boss, former President Donald Trump, liable because he was jailed for what he claimed was retaliation for writing a tell-all memoir, an appeals court said Tuesday.

The 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Manhattan said in an order that it would not revive a lawsuit that a lower-court judge had tossed out because the law did not seem to provide a damages remedy for most claims that someone was jailed in retaliation for their criticisms of a president.

A three-judge panel concluded Cohen already obtained relief by getting a judge to order his release from imprisonment to home confinement several weeks after he was abruptly put behind bars when the government claimed he violated severe restrictions on his public communications. It said the law did not provide an outlet for more relief than that.

Cohen served over a year of a three-year sentence in federal prison after pleading guilty in 2018 to tax evasion, campaign finance charges and lying to Congress, saying Trump directed him to arrange the payment of hush money to a porn actor to fend off damage to his 2016 presidential bid.

Freed early to home confinement as authorities worked to contain the coronavirus outbreak in federal prisons, Cohen was returned to prison weeks later when authorities claimed he failed to accept certain terms of his release.

At the time, Cohen said he had merely sought clarification on a condition forbidding him from speaking with the media and publishing his book.

After serving 16 days in solitary confinement that Cohen said left him with shortness of breath, severe headaches and anxiety, he was eventually freed on the orders of a judge who said he’d been jailed in retaliation for his desire to publish a book critical of the president and to discuss it on social media.

Cohen sued Trump and then-Attorney General William Barr, along with various prison and probation officials.

In a statement Tuesday, Cohen said he’ll appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court.

“The outcome is wrong if democracy is to prevail. A writ of habeas corpus cannot be the only consequence to stop a rogue president from weaponizing the Department of Justice from locking up his/her critics in prison because they refuse to waive their First Amendment right,” he said.

Trump’s lawyer, Alina Habba, said in a statement: “We are very pleased with today’s ruling. Mr. Cohen’s lawsuit was doomed from its inception. We will continue to fight against any frivolous suits aimed at our client.”



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Republicans claim victory for Harvard president's resignation


Republican lawmakers welcomed Harvard University president Claudine Gay’s resignation after weeks of calling for her to step down over her response to anti-semitism on campus — and her testimony on the topic at a fiery House hearing in December.

Gay’s resignation letter was published to the Harvard University website on Tuesday afternoon.

“TWO DOWN. @Harvard knows that this long overdue forced resignation of the antisemitic plagiarist president is just the beginning of what will be the greatest scandal of any college or university in history,” said GOP conference chair Rep. Elise Stefanik on X, formerly Twitter.

Gay is the second college president to step down since the Dec. 5 hearing of the House Education and Workforce Committee investigating schools' responses to antisemitism following the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks. University of Pennsylvania president Liz Magill stepped down four days after the hearing.



Stefanik’s grilling of Gay during her appearance before the committee intensified public scrutiny of the now former university president, who also faces accusations of plagiarism.

In response to questions by Stefanik, Gay said that calling for genocide of Jews may or may not violate university rules on bullying and harassment “depending on the context.” Though Gay later apologized, these comments sparked sharp criticism from Congress, the Harvard community and the public, and fueled calls for her resignation.

Other Republicans echoed Stefanik’s reaction: “This is the right move. Our university leaders have gone full-on woke and harbor anti-Semitism on campuses. Many should step down,” wrote Arizona Rep. Andy Biggs.

“She was a total disgrace to her profession,” said South Carolina Rep. Ralph Norman.



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Five stories will make or break New York in 2024


NEW YORK — The Empire State is at the center of the national political storm as 2024 begins, from the battle for the House to the migrant crisis.

From House races that could decide the fate of Congress to the governor’s growing dissension with the state Legislature, New York is sure to be chock full of drama this year.

And while former President Donald Trump will be fighting a hush money case in a Manhattan courtroom while running for office, New York City Mayor Eric Adams will be hoping he and his associates don’t get caught in a legal case themselves, amid a federal investigation into Turkish influence.

A big year stretches ahead with the presidential election topping the list of political events to watch. (And New York’s presidential primary date is April 2.) Meanwhile, several challenges will define — and redefine — the political landscape throughout the state.

Here are five to watch closely:

HOUSE FIGHT: House Speaker Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.)? A leadership promotion for Elise Stefanik (R-N.Y.)?

The fate of two New Yorkers from very different ends of the state lies with voters in swing districts come November.

Millions of dollars are pouring into New York to influence the outcome of an estimated half dozen House districts that could determine which party controls the chamber after 2024.

Adding to the uncertainty in the high stakes battle for the House: The district lines are going to change in two months’ time.

Democrats are playing more offense than defense after disappointing results in 2022. The party hopes to unseat Republican Reps. Brandon Williams, Marc Molinaro, Mike Lawler and Anthony D’Esposito. And the party hopes to flip the seat once held by disgraced former Rep. George Santos in a special election slated for Feb. 13.

Republicans, meanwhile, have zeroed in on the district held by Democratic Rep. Pat Ryan in the Hudson Valley.

Brooklyn’s Jeffries, the House minority leader, and Upstate New York’s Stefanik, currently the House GOP conference chair, are playing pivotal roles in leading the campaign efforts in their home state. And for good reason: Future leadership posts depend on it.

HOCHUL AND THE LEGISLATURE: All is not well between Gov. Kathy Hochul and her fellow Democrats in Albany.

Hochul rankled lawmakers last month when, amid the usual flurry of year-end vetoes, her team sought to defend the rejection of bills for criminal justice law changes and others the business community opposed.

Or, as Hochul’s communication director Anthony Hogrebe put it, “a number of extreme legislative proposals that would have put public safety or the state's economic recovery at risk.”

Vetoes are not unusual and neither is the legislative bellyaching that follows.

But the statement, coming from an executive who is ordinarily focused on collaboration like Hochul, was out of the ordinary.

One Democratic aide said the statement “made no sense” and compared it to the Hector LaSalle debacle of a year ago, when lawmakers in Hochul’s own party scuttled the governor’s chief judge selection.

“It is another misplay just like the judge fiasco last year,” the Democrat said. “These guys never seem to learn their lessons and can’t seem to help themselves.”

BUDGET BUSTING: There’s good news for New York’s budget. The projected $9.1 billion gap was sliced in half, thanks in part to some federal decision making on the Medicaid program and better-than-expected tax revenue.

But there’s also bad news: New York lawmakers and Hochul still need to find more than $4 billion to close the current gap for the fiscal year that starts April 1.

The state budget fight once again could come down to a battle over taxes — namely whether to raise revenue from the state’s oft-tapped resource: millionaires and billionaires.

Progressive Democrats are expected this year to make a renewed push to raise taxes to avoid reduced spending for big-ticket items like education and health.

Hochul, for her part, has said she wants to keep funding in place for mental health programs, where she believes there has been a lack of support from the state over the last decade.

But she has drawn a firm line on taxes. And her top budget aide has signaled the state will shift its spending on migrants from unlimited hotel stays to helping them find jobs and other longer-term solutions.

FLOW OF MIGRANTS: The New York City budget clash between Adams and the City Council, meanwhile, revolves in large part around service cuts to offset spending to support the tens of thousands of migrants being housed in city shelters.

Adams last week sought to disrupt the flow of buses sent to the Port Authority Bus Terminal by Texas Gov. Greg Abbott with an executive order limiting the arrival of migrants to between 8:30 a.m. and noon on weekdays.

The strategy is part of a united front he’s established with the mayors of Chicago and Denver in the face of limited aid from President Joe Biden’s administration — a situation that has hurt Adams’ relationship with Biden.

But already, there are complications with the plan. More than a dozen buses from Texas and Louisiana with hundreds of migrants were taken to New Jersey train stations, in an apparent attempt to sidestep Adams’ bus order.

The migrant crisis no doubt will be a defining issue of Adams’ term in office. How he challenges the right to shelter consent decree requiring him to house those in need and how he emerges from a city budget battle with service cuts and lawsuits are questions that kick off the year for Adams.

ADAMS’ LEGAL WOES: Will U.S. Attorney Damian Williams bring charges in the Turkish influence investigation? And if so, how close will it get to Adams? Will the mayor himself get indicted?

There’s been a shadow over City Hall since the FBI raided the homes of people close to the mayor on Nov. 2. He’s denied all wrongdoing, but it’s not hard to imagine a court case sucking all the air out of City Hall — where some administration staffers have been gasping over the investigation alone.

Legal experts seemed to agree the raids, and seizure of Adams’ phones, suggest the investigation was in its late stages. So if arrests are made, they could come sooner than later in 2024.

Others in Adams’ orbit have already been ensnared in corruption probes. Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg has accused contributors to Adams’ mayoral campaign with running a straw donor scheme, and charged Adams’ former adviser, Eric Ulrich, in a bribery case.

Meanwhile, a former New York City Police Department coworker filed notice accusing Adams, a retired NYPD captain, of sexually assaulting her in 1993. Adams completely dismissed the accusation and denied even knowing her. A full complaint laying out the details has not yet been filed.

All those cases could be tried in 2024 — potentially shedding light on the inner workings of Adams’ campaign, all while the mayor fundraises for his 2025 reelection bid and his legal defense fund at the same time.

A version of this story first appeared in Tuesday’s New York Playbook. Subscribe here.



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Harvard President Claudine Gay to resign, Crimson and Globe report


Harvard's embattled president Claudine Gay will step down Tuesday afternoon, according to campus newspaper The Harvard Crimson.

The Boston Globe is also reporting that Gay will step down Tuesday. Both outlets are citing anonymous sourcing.

Harvard did not immediately return POLITICO's request for comment. The university and the Harvard Corporation, which oversees the university, had previously stood by Gay in public statements.

The news comes as Gay remains a subject of political and congressional scrutiny after her widely panned appearance before the House Education and Workforce Committee in December. It also follows a barrage of allegations that Gay, who completed her doctorate at Harvard in 1997 and taught at the university, plagiarized passages of other scholars' writings in her dissertation and other academic papers.



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Tuesday, 2 January 2024

Trouble with tha God


NEW YORK — It’s not so much that Charlamagne tha God has beef with the president.

It’s just that he thinks Joe Biden is a lousy messenger and that he lacks the basic political skills that — whatever one thinks about the guy — Donald Trump possesses.

Sitting in the second row of his black Escalade as his driver crawls through Manhattan traffic on a late October morning, the co-host of the influential “Breakfast Club” radio show said Biden and others in his circle spend too much time posturing.

Instead of thinking of better ways to play up policy achievements, he argues, Democrats rely too much on depicting former President Donald Trump as a crook.

“It’s almost like Democrats are doing this purity test. America is not pure. The people of America are not pure. We’re flawed,” he said. “I’m not looking for my politicians to be pure, … I’m looking for my politicians to be effective.”



Biden has faced similarly tough recriminations from other political luminaries. But coming from Charlamagne, it hits different. The radio host, 45, has a loyal audience of 4 million monthly listeners. He is ascendant, having taken on roles guest hosting “The Daily Show,” starting up his own podcasting empire with iHeartRadio and being inducted into the Radio Hall of Fame. He’s also reaching the very voters Biden is struggling to draw: young and Black.

And increasingly, Charlemagne’s appraisal of the Biden administration has been sour. While he anguishes at the thought of a 2020 rematch, the radio personality gives Trump props for commanding attention and selling his ideas.

Trump relentlessly touted — or, in some cases, gave himself outsized credit for — policies he enacted as president. He signed the First Step Act into law, which brought modest reforms to the federal criminal justice system. He pardoned rappers Lil Wayne and Kodak Black. And he sent stimulus checks, or what a lot of folks commonly refer to as “stimmies,” during the first year of the pandemic.

“Imagine you felt like you’ve never gotten anything from the government, ever. And you don’t know how politics work, you just know you just got this check in the mail, with [Trump’s] name on it,” Charlamagne said. “You will feel like he did something.”

Biden sent checks too. But Charlamagne argues that he failed to play it up the way his predecessor did.

Charlamagne doesn’t consider himself a Democrat or a Republican — a position he says allows him to call bullshit on empty campaign rhetoric politicians spew when they decide it’s time to engage Black audiences to wrangle up votes.

“In 2024, it’s a race between the cowards, the crooks and the couch,” he said, referring to Biden, Trump and the option to stay home.

Charlamagne suspects the couch will win.



Born Lenard (pronounced leh-NARD) Larry McKelvey, Charlamagne’s signature interview style keeps his subjects off balance. He pummels them with direct and — at times — piercing questions that can be uncomfortably personal. He’s not afraid to call out an interviewee for not knowing something he feels should be common knowledge for someone speaking to a largely Black audience.

One example was exposing Education Secretary Miguel Cardona a few years ago for not knowing about the weekslong student protests at the historically Black Howard University over living conditions on the campus.

It’s effective. The show has produced countless viral moments over the years, with one of its earliest scores being a 2013 interview with rapper and fashion mogul Kanye West. Charlamagne opened the conversation by referring to him as “Kanye Kardashian,” then in unrelenting fashion, proceeded to rip him over his “Yeezus” album and relationship with the fashion industry. (A decade later, the rapper, who now goes by Ye, saw a slew of business partnerships severed after a series of offensive and antisemitic remarks.)

He drew widespread praise for the Kanye interview. But other segments even Charlamagne now cringes at. He admits some bits crossed a line, like when he inserted himself into the tiff between 50 Cent and Floyd Mayweather. At the time, the rapper called into question the boxer’s ability to read. Charlamagne, against the urging of his co-hosts, played unedited recordings of Mayweather struggling to record 10-second ad spots for the show.



Reflecting on that period, the media personality told POLITICO he was chasing ratings in those early days, but soon learned that lines are easy to cross. The Mayweather moment in particular triggered many in his audience who struggled with literacy. Other critics took issue with him seeming to perpetuate stereotypes about Black people. The pushback laid the groundwork for a course correction — with the show shifting away from shock jock material and more toward politics and accountability. In particular, Charlamagne grew obsessed with calling elected officials to task for policies that allowed disparities in communities of color to continue unabated.

“He’s able to see through a lot of the brokenness that politics has created, but he is also able to understand a measure of redemptive value when people take it seriously and when people get it right,” said Democrat Maryland Gov. Wes Moore, who is expected to be a top surrogate for Biden during his reelection.

Rising political influence

Charlamagne’s breakout moment as a political influencer came during the contentious and drawn-out 2016 Democratic primary campaign between Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders. Each sought to heavily court Black voters, and both candidates made multiple appearances on the show throughout the campaign season. This provided the perfect opportunity to lean into politics with more regularity.

Clinton’s stop in April that year created a viral moment with the former secretary of state alluding that she, just like BeyoncĂ©, always has hot sauce in her bag (a riff off Queen Bey’s lyrics from the song “Formation”).

A politician willing to talk with a majority Black audience — especially if they can pull off attempts at code switching without seeming to pander — can produce shareable internet moments that can amplify a campaign.

To be clear, Clinton’s comments were not that. While she ultimately would overwhelmingly secure the Black vote in the primary and general election — and though her campaign protested at the time, noting that she really did like hot sauce — the moment was seen by many as textbook political inauthenticity.

But like many moments with Charlemagne at the center, it became embedded in the cultural fabric of today’s politics.



Four years later, it was Biden’s turn to face Charlamagne.

In May 2020, during the height of the pandemic — when it was clear the former VP was well on his way to locking up the nomination — he sat down for an interview over Zoom.

Charlamagne peppered Biden with questions about how he was going to energize voters without leaving his home. The host reminded the future president that many Black folks, himself included, felt the Democratic Party takes their votes for granted.

Near the end of the conversation, Biden explained he had to jump off because his wife, Jill Biden, was scheduled to do a media hit from the same room.

“You can’t do that to Black media,” Charlmagne declared, as he pleaded with Biden for more time. “Because it’s a long way until November, we’ve got more questions.”

“You’ve got more questions, but I tell you … if you’ve got a problem whether or not you’re for me or Trump, then you ain’t Black,” Biden said tersely.

A firestorm ensued. Biden apologized not long after. The Trump campaign swiftly capitalized and began hawking $30 #YouAintBlack T-shirts. Biden, despite winning the presidency with more than 90 percent of the Black vote, has in many ways, yet to live this gaffe down.

Neither has Charlamagne.



In August, it came up again when he interviewed former GOP longshot presidential candidate Larry Elder. Charlamagne asked Elder if he had ever had a “nigga wake up call,” which Charlamagne explained is when someone gets reminded that they are a person of color “rather brutally by an unexpected act of racism.”

Elder, a talk radio show host himself, turned the tables on him.

“When Joe Biden insulted you by saying ‘you ain’t really Black’ .... it seems to me that should have been a wake up call on your part,” Elder clapped back.

Charlamagne does not see it that way, and accuses Elder of focusing on trying to manufacture a “gotcha moment” for his then-struggling campaign.

What is clear is that the Biden exchange — which Charlamagne calls “historic” — remains very much central to his identity, a marker through which he (and his relationship with Biden) is now judged.

Charlamagne said he empathizes with the octogenarian president — though he repeatedly questions the president’s mental acuity on air. He suspects that moment in 2020 was “a terrible granddad joke” and actually agrees with the broader sentiment Biden was trying to make to Black voters at that time.

“He’s right. Because all he’s simply saying is if you vote for Trump over me then you’re voting against your own interests,” Charlamagne said.



No second endorsement

Reluctantly, Charlemagne did something he said he rarely does — he endorsed Biden’s 2020 presidential bid. Not because he was enamored by the promise of what Biden was selling, but because he selected Kamala Harris as his vice president. While she was a candidate for the Democratic nomination, she and the radio personality, eager to leave behind his shock jock persona, had forged a mutual friendship.

That too seems a bit distant now.

After more than three years of Biden in office, Charlamagne openly questions his endorsement and why Biden can’t take advantage of simple messaging opportunities, like in October when the president announced the designation of 31 tech hubs across the nation intended to spur innovation. The radio personality fumed on his program that the announcement didn’t include basic information about how it could help average Americans or provide clues to what types of jobs folks should be preparing to apply for or how those jobs would be protected from advancements in artificial intelligence.

“I’m not the highest grade of weed in the dispensary,” he quipped to me. “I’m genuinely asking questions, because I want answers and that is just common sense to me. Yeah, it’s good that you’re making all these investments in tech and everything else. But what does this mean, for regular everyday people?” (Fun fact, one of Charlamagne’s next business ventures is opening up a Hashstoria marijuana dispensary in Newark in early 2024 with partners Raekwon of the Wu-Tang Clan and Bakari Sellers, now a TV pundit.)

The administration has periodically back channeled with him, though it’s often to express annoyance with how he is framing an issue. For his part, Charlamagne said the conversations with White House officials are respectful and that he’s never asked him to tone down his rhetoric.

White House officials declined to comment.



Within Democratic circles, including inside the administration, there is a general recognition that the president needs to do more to reach Black voters.

Biden officials convened a meeting at the White House with influential Black Democrats in mid-December to discuss how the administration can better engage Black men ahead of the 2024 elections. And the president has highlighted the administration’s successes helping Black-owned businesses at a recent stop in Milwaukee before Christmas.

Administration officials downplay the idea that Charlamagne is needed to reach this group. But even if they did, his relationship with this White House and in particular Harris, has soured enough that it’s unclear if they could rely on him.

The last time he interviewed her, in December 2021, he pointedly asked on his now-canceled Comedy Central program “Tha God’s Honest Truth” about negotiations over what ultimately became the Inflation Reduction Act: “Who is the real president of this country, is it Joe Manchin or Joe Biden, madam vice president?”



“C’mon Charlamagne,” she said, clearly peeved at the tone of the question. “It’s Joe Biden. And don’t start talking like a Republican about asking whether or not he’s president.”

This moment, like the one with Biden, came after the interview was supposed to have wrapped. Former press aide Symone Sanders tried to cut it off, only for Harris to take on additional questions.

More than two years later, Charlamagne says he feels some vindication, pointing to speculation Manchin may launch a third party White House bid. But it also marked a remarkable shift in his relationship with Harris that was once much more congenial.

Charlamagne stumped with then-presidential candidate Harris in 2019 in Goose Creek, South Carolina. It was there that she unveiled her plan to tackle the nation’s mental health crisis, something of a personal topic to Charlamagne, who has used his platform to speak about his own mental health struggles and tried to destigmatize the issue for Black men.

Since then, he said, Harris and the rest of the Biden administration have not adequately elevated mental health awareness as an issue or done enough promoting criminal justice reforms, particularly on marijuana offenses.

The White House announced a proposed rule in July that closed a loophole that previously allowed health care providers to deny care for mental health disorders and substance abuse. Biden also announced last October that he was pardoning all federal offenses for simple weed possession.

But that wasn’t enough for Charlamagne, who also said has no plans to throw his support behind Biden’s reelection. He said he feels burned by backing Harris.

“I’ve learned my lesson from doing that,” he said. “Once they got in the White House, she … kind of disappeared.”

He suspects neither Biden nor Harris will make a return to “The Breakfast Club” this cycle.

Charlamagne knows his word holds weight with his audience. “When I give people my word like: ‘Yo man, I think we should be supporting Kamala Harris for vice president … because she’s going to hold it down.’ When we say those things and people don’t see her holding it down, that causes issues,” he said.

He says he still gets blowback from it. “‘Damn, you told us to vote for [them].’ Do you know how many people say that to me all the time?”



Biden’s perpetual critic

There’s a difference, of course, between not endorsing someone and actively criticizing. And for the Biden White House, Charlamagne has become something of an irritant, whether it’s raising questions about the president’s political acumen or helping elevate longshot presidential hopefuls Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Marianne Williamson and Cornel West — but not, notably, Biden or Harris.

His personal favorite seems to be a fellow South Carolinian, former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley.

When she appeared on “The Daily Show” with Charlamagne in December he asked: “Why doesn’t the GOP just move away from Trump and get behind you?”

He believes Haley could “definitely” beat Biden — something polling backs up.

Such proclamations make Charlamagne a growing fixture in the conservative media ecosystem.

Fox News and other conservative outlets routinely write about Charlamagne’s digs on the Biden administration, helping to amplify his reach and showcase what many always knew was the case: Biden does not have unified Black support.



For his part, Charlamagne says he does not fully understand conservatives’ obsession with what he does on “The Breakfast Club” or any of his other outlets. At the end of the day, he notes, he is an entertainer and knows that ratings, eyeballs and clicks are good for business.

The posture has earned him his own chorus of critics, who say his push for audience and relevance is blinding him to a very obvious pitfall: His relentless criticisms of Biden may unintentionally elevate Trump, which some Democrats argue will be detrimental for Black voters.

Still, there are other Democrats — particularly those outside of the Biden administration — who understand the unique perch Charlamagne occupies.

There may only be one God. But there’s also only one Charlamagne too.

“I have enormous respect for him, he’s one of the greatest influences of our time,” said Donna Brazile, a longtime Democratic strategist who has appeared on “The Breakfast Club” numerous times.

“He represents a different generation, a different voice, he reaches people that typically do not follow the breaking news each and every day,” she noted.




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