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Sunday 9 July 2023

Yellen says China talks productive at end of Beijing trip


Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen signaled at a Sunday morning press conference in Beijing that her talks with Chinese officials this week made progress in shoring up the frayed relationship between the U.S. and China.

Yellen, the second Biden administration official to visit the country in the last few weeks, said conversations with her counterparts were “direct, substantive and productive.” The talks covered the U.S.-China economic relationship, national security, climate change and global debt challenges.

The big takeaway as Yellen prepared to leave Beijing: The U.S. believes the world’s two largest economies can have a constructive relationship despite their geopolitical tensions, which have included export controls for high-tech goods.

While she said the U.S. will continue to take actions to protect its national security interests, Yellen and President Joe Biden believe there can be “healthy economic competition” between the U.S. and China — “an economic relationship that is mutually beneficial in the long term.”

“I do believe that it’s possible for both countries to be attentive to and to take actions to protect their national security interests,” she said.

The major win from Yellen’s visit appeared to be a willingness on the part of both sides to keep talking after years of escalating tensions over trade and security. Yellen said the trip was an opportunity for U.S. officials and a new economic team in Beijing to “establish a desire and willingness to work together to discuss issues where we have disagreements and see deeper engagement on the part of our staffs.”

Yellen's trip included meetings with Vice Premier He Lifeng and People’s Bank of China Head Pan Gongsheng.

“Certainly, I expect our staffs to be in much more regular communication about the full range of issues that we discussed that require greater work,” she said.



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Low-key Trump bets on Vegas volunteers with promise of more to come


Donald Trump's 2024 Nevada debut in Las Vegas came with little of the former president's trademark showmanship.

Trump’s return to the city that boasts a gleaming Trump hotel comes exactly one year after he held a campaign rally for then-GOP Senate candidate Alex Laxalt, who went on to lose to Democrat Catherine Cortez Masto in the 2022 midterms.

Now, a year later, as Trump vies for a nonconsecutive return to the White House and to maintain his stronghold on the Silver State’s GOP, he spoke for a mere 40 minutes at the Clark County volunteer recruitment drive in a church 15 miles from the city’s famous strip.

It’s no secret that the former president’s relationship with the state is a complicated one.

While he has a firm grip on the state’s Republican Party, he lost Nevada in two consecutive presidential campaigns — by almost 3 percentage points in 2020. As the Trump campaign turns its attention to the battleground state, the former president on Saturday hinted at this challenge.

“We have a big job to do. This has been a hard state. I really believe it’s a Republican state,” Trump said. “This is the most important election in the history of our country.”

There were a few theatrics from Trump, who from the outset stressed the purpose of the relatively small event. As usual when speaking at smaller gatherings, he made note of a “large crowd” outside, and pointed to media coverage of crowd sizes at recent rallies.

But Trump also kept the red meat coming, delivering some lines with gusto as he repeated familiar falsehoods about the 2020 election he lost and harped on how he would fix the country’s elections, including in Nevada. The winding speech also hit on the border, China, critical race theory, transgender people and a medley of the former president’s greatest hits.

Trump drew cheers when he rattled off names of Nevada GOP power brokers, including state party chair Michael McDonald, who served as a so-called "fake elector" in 2020. McDonald testified last month before a Washington federal grand jury investigating Jan. 6 and the former president’s efforts to stay in office.

“Michael McDonald has been my friend for a long time,” Trump said.

The Nevada GOP, under McDonald’s leadership, is suing the state government for moving away from the caucus format that relies heavily on grassroots support and benefitted Trump eight years ago. The 2024 primary, likely to fall sometime in February, is set to move to a traditional, state-run primary.

Trump took multiple opportunities to knock Ron DeSantis, a few weeks after the Florida governor campaigned at the Basque Fry barbecue fundraiser in the state. DeSantis’ message during that event, without naming Trump, was that if Republicans want to beat a Democrat in 2024, they need to move beyond the former president.

“I’m not a big fan of his, and he’s highly overrated,” Trump said. "He’s getting killed. … He also has no personality. That helps, right? As a politician, you have to have personality.”

Trump again went after DeSantis for his 2018 vote as a House Republican for a bill that would have authorized the storage of nuclear waste at Yucca Mountain — a key issue in the swing state. DeSantis' campaign fired back Saturday night, calling Trump “hypocritical” as three of his budgets as president had called for the licensing process of Yucca to restart. But in 2020, Trump reversed his position, announcing that he opposed the long-delayed nuclear waste project.

Polling in the state has been more scarce than some of the other early primary states, but in early polls, Trump has a hefty lead on DeSantis by upward of 30 percentage points, while the other GOP contenders lag in the single digits.

As he wrapped his short address, Trump hinted at bigger things to come as campaign season progresses.

“I just want to thank you all for volunteering and being with us, and we love you,” Trump said. “And we’ll be back many times, and we’ve got a couple of really big rallies scheduled over the next couple of months, and we’ll have 60, 70,000 people at these rallies.”



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Yellen nudges China on climate finance cooperation during Beijing visit


Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen urged global financial cooperation on climate change Saturday, calling on China to contribute to international development funds during her visit to Beijing.

In her remarks at a climate finance roundtable, Yellen emphasized the leading role China and the U.S. must play in climate efforts. She also drew parallels between the U.S. and China as the two largest economies, greenhouse gas emitters and investors in renewable energy globally.

“Climate finance should be targeted efficiently and effectively,” Yellen said. “I believe that if China were to support existing multilateral climate institutions like the Green Climate Fund and the Climate Investment Funds alongside us and other donor governments, we could have a greater impact than we do today.”

Both funds listed by Yellen are geared toward countering climate change in developing nations. China has been reluctant to contribute to these funds in the past, claiming that it is also a developing nation.

Yellen also discussed the importance of broad transitions toward the goal of net-zero carbon emissions, including in the private sector. She suggested that the U.S. and China increase and improve their investments in reducing climate change “in ways that are interoperable to our different systems.”

Yellen’s trip to China comes as the United States tries to ease tensions between the two countries and follows a visit from Secretary of State Antony Blinken last month.

Following her remarks, Yellen met with Vice Premier He Lifeng, her counterpart in the Chinese government. Climate finance remained a focus of Yellen’s in this meeting, according to a statement from the Treasury Department.

During her meeting with He, Yellen also called on China to contribute to “debt distress in low-income and emerging economies,” restructuring the debt that it is owed by developing nations as the U.S. and the EU routinely do. China has also resisted this course of action in the past.

On Saturday afternoon in Delaware, President Joe Biden told journalists that he had not yet spoken to Yellen about her trip to China. Yellen is scheduled to speak at a Beijing press conference at 9 p.m. ET Saturday.



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Saturday 8 July 2023

Georgetown Was Trying to Atone for Its Past in the Slave Trade. What Now?


When Rachel Swarns first learned of the sale, she was “flabbergasted.”

The former New York Times correspondent had been writing about the legacy of slavery when she discovered something that shocked her as a Black Catholic woman: In 1838, the Jesuit order in Maryland — the first major Catholic institution in the U.S. — sold almost 300 enslaved people to fund its new school, what is now Georgetown University, alma mater of several members of Congress, as well as late Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia and former President Bill Clinton.

Swarns, who first broke the news about Georgetown’s past in 2016, recounts the story of the people enslaved on the St. Inigoes plantation in southern Maryland in her new book, The 272: The Families Who Were Enslaved and Sold to Build the American Catholic Church. The book focuses on the lives of the Mahoneys, one of many families enslaved and sold by the Jesuit priests.

In recent years, Georgetown and the Maryland Jesuits became an early example of an institution attempting to atone for its past in the slave trade. In 2019, the school announced it would provide preferential admissions to descendants of enslaved people, and its Jesuit operators announced millions in funding for racial reconciliation and education programs.

It’s uncertain whether last week’s Supreme Court decision overturning race-conscious affirmative action in college admissions will affect Georgetown’s program for descendants of enslaved people. Georgetown president John J. DeGioia wrote in a statement that the university was “deeply disappointed” in the decision, and that the university will “remain committed to our efforts to recruit, enroll, and support students from all backgrounds.”

As the college system braces for the fallout of that Supreme Court decision — and amid a simmering cultural debate about how, or even whether, to teach the kind of history Swarns has unearthed in schools — we had a wide-ranging discussion about book bans, the history of the Catholic Church (and her own connection to it) and the future of campus diversity.



This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

Naranjo: Obviously the Catholic Church is not the only institution involved in slavery in the U.S. Do you think all institutions with a history of enslaving people have a duty to provide a full accounting of their involvement in doing so?

Swarns: You’re absolutely right. My book is about the Catholic Church and Georgetown University and their roots in slavery, but they are far from alone. Slavery drove the growth of many of our contemporary institutions — universities, religious institutions, banks, insurance companies. Many of those institutions are grappling with this history and I think it’s really important and urgent for them to do that work. I think it helps us understand more clearly how slavery shaped Americans, many American families and many of the institutions that are around us today. So to me, this is critical work.

Naranjo: I understand you are Catholic yourself. Has your personal relationship with the church been affected during your research?

Swarns: I had been writing about slavery and the legacy of slavery, and so I stumbled across the story in this book about the Catholic Church and Georgetown. But it just so happened that I also happen to be a Black, practicing Catholic, and when I first heard about this slave sale that prominent Catholic priests organized to help save Georgetown University, I was flabbergasted. I had never known that Catholic priests had participated in the American slave trade. I had never heard of Catholic priests enslaving people. I was really astounded, and I've been doing this research, going through archival records of the buying and selling of people by Catholic priests to sustain and help the church expand, even as I am going to Mass and doing all of that. And so it has been an interesting time for me because of that.

One of the things, though, that has been fascinating is that, as I tracked some of the people who had been enslaved and sold by the church, I learned that many of them — even after the Civil War, even after they were free people — they remained in the church that had betrayed them and sold them. And they remained in the church because they felt that the priests, the white sinful men who had sold them who had done these things, did not own this church. The church — God, the Holy Spirit, the Son — they did not control that. And their faith that had sustained them through all of this difficult period of enslavement continued to sustain them. And not only that, many of these individuals became lay leaders and some even became religious leaders in the church and worked to make the church more reflective of and responsive to Black Catholics and more true to its universal ideals. And so, in a strange way, learning that history, learning about these people and their endurance and their resilience and their commitment to their faith has been really inspiring to me. So, I’m still practicing, I’m still going to Mass.



Naranjo: As you note in the book, Catholicism in the U.S. has often been perceived as a Northern religion. And you show us how that’s not necessarily the case. But what do you think its role in enslaving people means for conversations about culpability and reparations, given that many people view slavery as a Southern thing?

Swarns: I think that explains a bit of the disconnect for people. Many of us as Americans view the Catholic Church as a Northern church, as an immigrant church. Growing up in New York City, that’s certainly the church that I knew. The truth is that the Catholic Church established its foothold in the British colonies and in the early United States and in Maryland, which was a slaveholding state and relied on slavery to help build the very underpinnings of the church. So the nation's first Catholic institution of higher learning, Georgetown, first archdiocese, the first cathedral, priests who operated a plantation and enslaved and sold people established the first seminary. So this was foundational to the emergence of the Catholic Church in the United States, but it's history that I certainly didn't know and most Catholics don't know. And most Americans don't know.

In terms of grappling with this history, the institutions have taken a number of steps. Georgetown and the Jesuit order priests, who were the priests who established the early Catholic Church in the United States, they’ve apologized for their participation in slavery and the slave trade. Georgetown has offered preference in admissions to descendants of people who were enslaved by the church, and it’s created a fund — a $400,000 fund — which they've committed to raising annually to fund projects that will benefit descendants. They've also renamed buildings and created an institute to study slavery.

The Jesuits, for their part, partnered with descendants to create a foundation and committed to raising $100 million toward racial reconciliation projects and projects that would benefit descendants. So those are the steps that have been taken so far by the institutions that I write about in my book.

Descendants, I think, have different feelings about whether or not this is adequate, whether or not more should be done. Most of the people that I speak to believe that these are good first steps, but that more needs to be done.

Naranjo: In your reporting process, did you experience any pushback into looking into a history that maybe some would like to have forgotten?

Swarns: In this instance, I was dealing with institutions that were trying to be transparent and trying to address this history. For both institutions, I would say there are more records that I wish I had that I don't have. And that's often what we journalists encounter. And part of the challenge, frankly, beyond institutional willingness or unwillingness, is just the marginalization of enslaved people during our history. Enslaved people were barred by law and practice from learning to read and write. So the records that would give great insight into their lives, letters and journals that historians and writers used to document the lives of other people, say, in the 1800s, are really, really, really, really scarce. And so that's an enormous challenge for anyone trying to unearth the lives of enslaved people.

Naranjo: I was reading the book last week, after the Supreme Court struck down race-based affirmative action in college admissions. Years before that, Georgetown had embarked on this process and, as noted in the book, implemented a program for preferential admission for descendants of people enslaved by its Jesuit founders. What responsibilities do you think institutions with similar histories of enslaving people have to descendants?

Swarns: Universities all across the country are obviously grappling with the implications of the Supreme Court’s affirmative action decision. More than 90 universities have already identified historic ties to slavery and have committed to addressing that history. There’s actually a consortium of universities studying slavery. And what the Supreme Court decision means for them and for their efforts, I think, remains uncertain.

Georgetown issued a statement last week like many universities did, saying that they remain committed to ensuring diversity on campus and valuing diversity. How this will all play out — I mean, I think we’re all going to have to wait and see. In terms of the responsibilities for universities that have identified their roots in slavery? I’m a journalist, so to me, I think it’s so important to document this history. To search in the archives, to make materials available and easily available to families to identify descendants. And to reach out and to work with descendants. I’m a journalist, I’m not a policymaker, and so there will be others who can hammer out what policies institutions feel are best and what policies that the descendants, if there are any identified, feel would be best. But for me as a journalist and as a professor, I feel the urgency of documenting this history and making sure that it is known. And collaborating with descendant communities, when those communities are identified, in terms of deciding on policies and programs.



Naranjo: Part of the conversation about reparations has touched on the differences between cash reparations and efforts that channel funds to specific goals. As you've mentioned, many of the descendants of people enslaved by the Jesuits saw the efforts they've done, the funds they've created and the preferential admissions as a good first step. Has hard cash reparations come up as something they’ve mentioned they also would like to see?

Swarns: Georgetown's program, as you mentioned, is a program that finances and supports programs. It is not a program that would deliver cash to families. It's important to note that there are programs — Virginia Theological Seminary, for instance, an Episcopal seminary, which identified its ties to slavery and segregation has begun a program that gives cash to families that they've identified. Georgetown's program does not do that.

The Jesuits' program does have a small component that would provide some assistance to needy descended families. So the particulars of that and how that would work still remain — they’re not finalized. It’s unclear exactly how that would work. And I think descendants have mixed feelings about this. There are certainly some descendants who feel like, given what the church and Georgetown received in terms of labor and profits from sales, that cash payments would be appropriate. There are others who don’t. And so it’s a question that folks in the descendant community as well as around the country are wrestling with. But so far, Georgetown has made it clear that that’s not a path that it plans to go down.

Naranjo: You’ve been covering this topic for years. How has it influenced how you perceive broader institutions in this country?

Swarns: What has surprised me, as a professional, as a reasonably educated person, is how much I just didn’t know, how much I didn’t learn. I stumbled into this work with my first book about Michelle Obama and her enslaved ancestors. And as I was doing that research, I kept thinking, “Well, my goodness, why didn’t I know this? My goodness, why?” And so I think that what is really clear to me is how much needs to be done in terms of education, and in terms of illuminating the connections between slavery and America, the shaping of American families, the shaping and growth of American institutions. This is hard history, though, right? I mean, it’s history that a lot of people would prefer to remain history, prefer not to confront, prefer not to engage with. But I think it’s our history; it shapes who we are as Americans today. And I think we can’t look away.

Naranjo: How do you view the “culture war” fights over banning books that discuss difficult parts of history from schools?

Swarns: I think as Americans, we often like to think about slavery as old history. Long gone. Completely unrelated to us. And I think that’s because this history sits very uncomfortably with the narrative that feels much more comfortable to us, right? This narrative of equality, justice for all. For us as Americans, this is difficult history. Conversations about race and slavery remain difficult conversations to have. And I think that what we’re seeing around the country in terms of book bans and efforts to regulate teaching about race and slavery reflects that discomfort.

But as I said, we can’t ignore how much of a role slavery played in the emergence of our country, of our institutions, and the role that it plays in who we are as Americans today. I think there are many people who would prefer not to grapple with that. I think we have to grapple with it as Americans, and I’m encouraged by the institutions that are doing that work, and by the people who are pressing institutions to do that work.




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A Definitive Guide to All the Weird Internet Memes in Ron DesSantis Anti-LGBTQ Rights Ad


Over Fourth of July weekend, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’ presidential campaign drew fire from across the political spectrum after it shared a bizarre, 1-minute-and-13-second video hyping the Florida governor’s hardline opposition to LGBTQ rights. The video, which was created by an anonymous account and shared on Twitter by the DeSantis campaign’s “rapid response” team, has been skewered by critics on both the left and the right for its homophobia and transphobia. But commentators also fixated on another element: It’s just plain weird, a video that is largely unintelligible to someone who hasn’t spent too many hours on the darker corners of the internet.

The clip, which was tweeted by DeSantis’ team with the message “To wrap up ‘Pride Month,’” opens by attacking former President Donald Trump for his past support of LGBTQ people, setting pictures of Trump shaking hands with Caitlyn Jenner and holding a pride flag against upbeat techno music. But 23 seconds in, the video takes a turn. The upbeat techno music is replaced by an ominous base tone. Clips of DeSantis fade in and out, intercut with a series of seemingly random images: DeSantis with red lightning bolts emerging from his eye sockets; a black-and-white photo of a chiseled bodybuilder; pictures of Hollywood anti-heroes. Headlines denouncing DeSantis’s “draconian” policies on LGBTQ issues flash across the screen, layered atop of clips of liberal talking heads criticizing DeSantis’ record. (On Friday afternoon, the clip disappeared from Twitter, replaced with the message, “This media has been disabled in response to a report by the copyright owner” before being deleted. For now, you can still view it here.)

To the average voter, this rapid-fire mishmash of images might seem like a political fever dream. But the video fits squarely within an emergent strain of an online conservative subset that focuses on LGBTQ issues and masculinity. This discourse, which emerged from an obscure corner of the internet sometimes called the “manosphere,” relies on a heavily self-referential set of memes to convey its message, a message that is almost always drenched in irony. It can be hard to discern which images are supposed to be taken seriously and which are just designed to provoke outrage and troll the viewer. Yet beneath the irony lies a coherent — if deeply intolerant — argument: The embrace of LGBTQ people is part of a broader plot in society to destroy traditional masculinity.

For the most part, this irony-laden variety of homophobia remains a relatively fringe position on the online right. But its prominence in DeSantis’ latest campaign video suggests that it could be seeping into the conservative mainstream, and that might pay dividends among a group of Republican voters. “After all, [DeSantis’s backers] are seeking out the Trump voter,” said Daniel Adleman, an assistant professor of writing and rhetoric at the University of Toronto who was written about the overlap between pop-culture and far-right ideologies. “They are trying to demonstrate that DeSantis doesn't just talk the talk, but he walks the walk — that Trump is all full of lip service, but that DeSantis is the one who makes good on quasi-Trumpian promises.”

To help piece it all together, here’s your definitive guide to the memes and images from DeSantis’ recent video. This might be the first time you’re encountering them, but it likely won’t be the last if you pay close attention on Twitter, Threads, or whatever social new social media platform launches next week.



GigaChad

This meme, depicting a chiseled bodybuilder with a massive chin and a manicured beard, is a staple of discourse in the manosphere. Often referred to as “GigaChad,” the name borrows from the popular internal slang word “chad,” which is used refer to a stereotypical alpha male. The origin of the meme is shrouded in mystery — it’s rumored to have been taken from a series of photoshopped images of bodybuilders taken by a Russian photographer — but it first made its way online in 2017, when a version of the image was posted to the popular message board 4chan. The post introducing the meme defined GigaChad as, “The perfect human specimen destined to lead us against the reptilians” — a nod to a fringe conspiracy theory that posits that the world is run by humanoid reptiles.

Since its introduction, though, the meme has come to symbolize an ideal male form that, according to certain strains of thinking on the right, is being wiped out by the alleged feminization of American culture and media. Consider it the manosphere’s statue of David.



Patrick Bateman

You may recognize him from the 2000 film American Psycho — based on the 1991 novel by Bret Easton Ellis — but Christian Bale’s character has taken on a whole new life in the manosphere. In the movie, Bateman is a chauvinistic and status-obsessed Wall Street banker who — spoiler alert — may (or may not) lead a secret life as a serial killer and cannibal. (The movie leaves open the possibility that Bateman’s murderous activities are part of an elaborate, delusional fantasy.) Ironically, Bateman idolizes Donald Trump, a symbol of New York’s well-heeled nouveau riche during the 1980s.

Online, Bateman and other erstwhile Wall Street icons such as The Wolf of Wall Street’s Jordan Belfort (who also makes a brief appearance in the DeSantis video) have come to symbolize the set of hypermasculine virtues the manosphere is propagating. “If you're a superficial reader of Patrick Bateman, he represents an avatar of the Reagan era, self-asserting, shameless, impudent man who’s able to make the best possible use of neoliberalism as it existed in the 1980s and, by extension, as it exists now,” Adleman said. “I could see that might appealing to the alt-right, 4chan crowd in this post-Trumpian era.”


Yes Chad

Giga is not the only Chad popular among this crowd. In mid-2019, an image of a cartoon figure with blonde hair, blue eyes and a thick blonde beard started making its way around Twitter and other online message boards. The illustration was captioned was a single word: “Yes.” Since then, the image has become the template for a universe of memes known as “Yes Chad,” featuring illustration of men — yes, always men — who project an air of masculine authority and steely male confidence. (Sometimes, the meme is paired with an illustration of a blonde woman in a blue dress, symbolizing the so-called “trad wife.”) The meme also carries some not-so-subtle racist undertones, as it depicts the ideal man as an Aryan archetype.

In the video, meanwhile, a cartoon of DeSantis in the style of the “Yes Chad” flashes in between a clip of the governor giving a speech and a scene of him walking with his coterie. What, exactly, DeSantis is saying “Yes” to is left up to the viewer to decode.



Thomas Shelby

The fictional protagonist of the British television drama Peaky Blinders, Tommy Shelby —portrayed by Cillian Murphy — is the leader of a crime gang who evades the law and rival gangs in post-World War I England to expand his criminal empire. But online, Murphy’s character has become associated with the trope of the “sigma male,” a type of man who — in contrast to the stereotypical “alpha male,” who sits atop a social hierarchy — has transcended societal norms to play by his own set of rules. A quick Google search turns up pages of YouTube videos with titles like “12 Reasons why THOMAS SHELBY Is The Ultimate SIGMA MALE.” (In a statement released Wednesday, the team behind Peaky Blinders disowned any association with the DeSantis ad.)

Presumably, the comparison between Shelby and DeSantis is intended to highlight the latter’s willingness to play dirty and buck conservative convention — like, for instance, fighting with Disney or sending planes of migrants to Martha’s Vineyard and California.



Bodybuilders

“I’m going to leave aside the strangeness of trying to prove your manhood by putting up a video that splices images of you in between oiled-up, shirtless bodybuilders,” Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg said last weekend when asked about DeSantis’ video — apparently referring to several shots of slick-looking male bodybuilders flexing their bulging muscles. But in certain corners of the online right where the popularity of bodybuilding is on the rise, it’s not strange at all. For one possible explanation of this trend, look no further than Tucker Carlson’s much-discussed documentary The End of Men, which advanced the argument that the destruction of men’s bodies through poor nutrition and poor exercise habits is part of a broader globalist plot to take over the world. Understood in this context, rebuilding a man’s physique isn’t just good for his health — it’s also a critical first step toward overthrowing the power of the corrupt global elite.

DeSantis has not revealed whether weightlifting is a major part of his recent weight-loss efforts, but on the campaign trail he has certainly has leaned into the anti-elite rhetoric that’s tied up with the bodybuilding fad.



Achilles

 
Is that Brad Pitt staring out from behind that bronze helmet? Yes, yes, it is. As film buffs and mythology nerds will know, Pitt portrayed the ancient Greek hero Achilles in the 2004 movie Troy, based on Homer’s epic poem the Iliad. As in the Iliad, Pitt’s Achilles emerges as as the hero of the film, bursting onto the battlefield toward the end of the conflict to revenge the death of his comrade Patroclus at the hands of the Trojan hero Hector.

As many commentators online have pointed out, there a poignant irony to the fact that a video targeting LGBTQ people included an image of Achilles, given that many scholars have interpreted Achilles’ friendship with Patroclus as a type of homosexual relationship. But the valorization of Achilles fits neatly within a broader far-right obsession with ancient Rome and Greece, which some conservatives hold up as the cradle of “Western civilization.” Ever heard of “Bronze Age Mindset”? We bet the creators of this video have.



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Raskin passes on Senate bid


Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.) officially passed Friday on a bid for a Senate seat in deep-blue Maryland.

The Maryland lawmaker has become a powerful entity in the House, rocketing to national fame as the lead manager of former President Donald Trump’s second impeachment and as a member of the Jan. 6 select committee. He’s now the top Democrat on the Oversight Committee.

Sen. Ben Cardin’s (D-Md.) retirement announcement in May immediately fueled speculation that Raskin would run. But he delayed his decision after a recent bout with cancer that is now in remission and has cited his work on the Oversight panel as a top reason to stay in the House.



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Appeals court upholds but narrows sex-trafficking statute


A federal appeals court has upheld key portions of a federal law Congress passed to combat sex trafficking online, but the court rejected broad readings of the statute that critics warned could intrude on First Amendment-protected speech.

The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled Friday that language in the 2018 Fight Online Sex Trafficking Act — better known as FOSTA — is not unconstitutionally vague and doesn’t violate free-speech rights.

However, the court said it would interpret the threat of criminal punishment for the use of computer services in a manner “facilitating” or “assisting” prostitution to apply as longer-standing statutes traditionally do, to people “aiding and abetting” such crimes.

“We therefore hold that [FOSTA’s] mental state requirement does not reach the intent to engage in general advocacy about prostitution, or to give advice to sex workers generally to protect them from abuse,” Judge Patricia Millett wrote, joined by Judges Harry Edwards and Justin Walker. “Nor would it cover the intent to preserve for historical purposes webpages that discuss prostitution. Instead, it reaches a person’s intent to aid or abet the prostitution of another person.”

Millett conceded that the language could be seen as encompassing all sorts of conduct that arguably promotes or encourages prostitution. But she said the more limited reading was justified in this instance.

“Undoubtedly, the term ‘facilitate’ could be read more broadly,” the judge wrote. “But nothing in [FOSTA] compels us to read ‘facilitate’ that way. Doubly so when a more expansive reading could raise grave constitutional concerns.”

Advocates for legalizing prostitution, the operators of the Internet Archive website, Human Rights Watch and a massage therapist who said he lost business when Craigslist pulled many categories of ads after passage of FOSTA in 2018 sued to block enforcement of the law.

In the arguments at the D.C. Circuit earlier this year, the Justice Department urged a narrow construction of the law in order to avoid a ruling that the statute is unconstitutional.

During the arguments, Millett and Edwards seemed to view the law as constitutionally flawed, particularly its reference to conduct promoting prostitution.

However, a 7-2 Supreme Court decision last month narrowing a similar law against promoting illegal immigration may have prompted the D.C. Circuit judges to reassess their positions. Millett’s 34-page opinion makes nine references to the high court’s ruling two weeks ago in U.S. v. Hansen.

A First Amendment lawyer who argued the case against FOSTA, Robert Corn-Revere, said Friday he was disappointed in the decision. However, he welcomed the appeals court’s strong signal that the law should not be used to discourage various advocacy and other activities not linked to specific acts of prostitution.

“It’s not a bad thing that they did say applying a broad interpretation of the law would raise grave constitutional concerns and as a result construed it really rather narrowly,” said Corn-Revere, who recently became general counsel for the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression. “I think the court cleaned up after Congress and made the statute more precise than the original drafters may have intended.”

Corn-Revere said the Supreme Court’s ruling in the immigration case “obviously influenced” the D.C. Circuit's opinion. A separate high court decision limiting social media firms’ liability in terrorism-related civil lawsuits is likely to further constrain the use of FOSTA, he said.

A Justice Department spokesperson declined to comment Friday.

It’s unclear whether the D.C. Circuit ruling will provide any benefit to several founders and employees of the former classified-ad website Backpage fighting criminal sex-trafficking charges in Arizona. Their defense lawyers say the Justice Department has taken an inconsistent position there, arguing that the defendants could in fact be found guilty in the criminal prosecution based on evidence that did not meet the threshold of aiding and abetting. The judge handling that case turned down those arguments last month.

The first trial in the Backpage case ended with an abrupt mistrial two years ago. A new trial is set to open Aug. 8 in Phoenix.

Backpage, which grew out of the Village Voice newspaper’s classified section and eventually grew to be far more profitable than the remainder of the enterprise, shut down in 2018 after the Justice Department accused the company of being a front for prostitution and obtained court orders seizing the firm’s assets.

Millett, the author of the court’s opinion Friday, was appointed by President Barack Obama. Edwards is an appointee of President Jimmy Carter. Walker was appointed by President Donald Trump.



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