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Monday 24 April 2023

More care at home could save Medicare, lawmakers believe


House lawmakers backed by a wide array of industries think they have a solution to Medicare’s approaching insolvency: moving more care from the hospital to the home.

A new bill from Reps. Adrian Smith (R-Neb.) and Debbie Dingell (D-Mich.) that aims to reduce care in hospitals and other health care facilities and increase it in living rooms marks a rare, bipartisan collaboration on a potential solution to Medicare’s financing problem. And it has drawn support from tech companies, insurers, venture capitalists, providers and telehealth advocates.

But some health economists told POLITICO they’re skeptical at-home care can deliver the savings the proponents are promising.

The sponsors and industry backers say that by allowing Medicare to pay for at-home care for more patients, Congress can reduce expensive hospitalizations and help stabilize Medicare’s teetering finances. “When you look at the numbers and demands on Medicare in the years on the horizon, we need to innovate,” Smith said.

The legislation would create a new Medicare benefit allowing certain beneficiaries not eligible for Medicaid to have a home health worker for up to 12 hours a week. It would facilitate house calls by allowing doctors to receive a monthly payment, in place of the existing fee-for-service structure. And it would broaden reimbursement for home-based services, including dialysis, lab tests and infusions.

The bill would also task the Department of Health and Human Services with studying additional procedures that could move to the home, such as X-rays.

Consulting firm McKinsey estimated last year that more than $250 billion worth of care in Medicare and Medicare Advantage could shift to the home over three years, including primary care, emergency visits, long-term care, infusions and acute care at home.

The timing is fortuitous. The pandemic forced providers to move more care to the home and created momentum for a long-term shift. Many elderly people embraced the change. It also spawned innovation in the private sector, as venture capitalists poured money into telehealth and at-home care startups.

The federal and state governments are "the single-biggest payer of long-term care in this country," Dingell said. "It's institutionally focused, period. That's not where most people want to be. They want to be in the home in their own setting with people they know and love."

But even as cash flows into the sector and patient demand for at-home care rises, health economists say it’s not clear this future is imminent.

‘Hard to know what the total costs might be’

While advocates tout potential cost savings, there's scant data to back up those claims. How much money the changes would cost or save remains a crucial question as lawmakers look to rein in health care spending.

"There is potential for cost savings," said Rachel Werner, executive director of the University of Pennsylvania’s Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics, but Werner also said the package is difficult to assess as a whole.

"The cost implications probably vary across the different provisions and it’s hard to know what the total costs might be," she said.

"Among the proposed programs, the one for which there will be the biggest demand is personal care services, which will be expensive and raises questions about whether there will be overall cost savings," Werner said.

Werner expects that personal care services — help with daily activities — would cost, rather than save money, in part because of what economists call the "woodwork effect." When presented with the opportunity to get at-home help, people who weren't previously paying for services come out of the woodwork to get it.

Robert Burke, an associate professor of medicine at the University of Pennsylvania's Perelman School of Medicine, said he was "intrigued" by personal care services’ inclusion in the bill. Those services could be especially useful for older adults leaving the hospital who need a combination of skilled home care and help with nonmedical needs.

But while fewer stays at skilled nursing facilities may offset costs, Burke said the 12-hours-a-week of personal care the legislation outlined isn't likely to work. A better approach would offer more care up front and less support over time, he suggested.

Supporters of the package argue that expanding payment for personal care services could prevent costly hospital readmissions.

Beyond cost, Werner, Burke and other analysts questioned whether there are sufficient workers to execute the vision.

"I am concerned we lack the workforce to do it effectively or to scale the programs to have a meaningful impact,” Werner said.

The ratio between home care workers and people who need services is worsening, according to a study Werner published this week in Health Affairs. The number of workers per 100 participants in Medicaid's home and community-based services programs fell by 11.6 percent between 2013 and 2019, a trend that suggests it might be hard for Medicare patients to find home health aides.

Technology like remote monitoring and telehealth could scale certain services. But others, like labs, diagnostic testing and at-home primary care, need skilled workers to carry out, in person, Burke noted.

Others said the success of the lawmakers’ vision depends on execution and could be better or worse than existing care models.

“It could help or exacerbate [workforce shortages],” said Julian Harris, former health care team lead at the White House Office of Management and Budget under former President Barack Obama and CEO of ConcertoCare, which cares for patients with complex conditions in the home. “We will likely have challenges as the Baby Boomers continue to age into Medicare with staffing and care needs of patients who want to receive care in the home with some of our legacy approaches.” 

The legislation would provide grants to organizations like health systems and home health agencies to build the workforce and create a task force for nursing certification standards for home care, which could result in a larger supply of workers. The Biden administration also recently directed HHS to look into regulations and guidance to improve home-care jobs.

Dingell said paying health care workers more would help address these issues, touting her legislation introduced last month that aims to boost wages via more funding.

Finally, there's the question of cost-shifting, and whether moving care into the home will ultimately transfer labor costs to family members as they take on additional hours of informal caretaking.

"Across most of these, I would expect increased caregiver burden," Werner said.

Supporters of the legislation contend that caregivers actually would feel more supported in this model, given the extra technology and supporting staff in the home that wouldn't otherwise be there.

‘The pandemic showed us it is possible’

While some health economists are skeptical of the House bill’s promises, a growing lineup of health care companies are enthused.

Moving Health Home, a coalition of tech-enabled home care companies including Best Buy’s Current Health, health system Intermountain and dialysis provider DaVita, has backed the push. It’s a sister organization of the Alliance for Connected Care, a prominent telehealth lobbying group.

Both groups are led by Krista Drobac, a lobbyist who once worked for the No. 2 Democrat in the Senate, Dick Durbin of Illinois, Sen. Debbie Stabenow (D-Mich.) and the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services under Obama.

Drobac’s groups see moving care into the home as a way to improve patients’ outcomes, reduce costs and bolster access. The organization points to Morning Consult polling commissioned by home health care leaders showing that about three quarters of Democrats and three in five Republicans say the federal government should prioritize boosting access to care in the home.

“Seniors and their caregivers want the option to stay home. It’s better for overall health and recovery,” said Drobac. “The pandemic showed us it is possible, and we need to build on that.”

Backers acknowledge that the empirical evidence base for home care needs to be developed more, but point to studies showing that moving care to the home doesn’t compromise patient safety.

A 2021 meta-review published in BMJ Open on hospital at-home care found that the practice “generally results in similar or improved clinical outcomes” and said expansion should be considered amid spiking health care costs. The Congressional Budget Office scored an extension of hospital at-home care through 2024 as costing $5 million — a drop in the bucket of overall health care spending.

Meanwhile, the pandemic demonstrated it’s doable and that patients want it, the industry advocates said.

“The Covid pandemic put lighter fluid on the importance of care delivery in the home and meeting patients where they’re at,” said Kevin Riddleberger, co-founder of coalition member DispatchHealth, which brings lab tests, X-rays and other urgent care into the home.

At-home testing company ixlayer, which is part of Moving Health Home, hopes bringing lab testing into the home can help treat chronic conditions by making it easier to get tested. Emcara, which provides home-based primary care, has seen 40 percent growth year over year, said Eric Galvin, the company’s CEO, largely driven by demand for care in the home.

Backers hope that leaning on technology like remote patient monitoring to track patients’ health can help reduce costs by catching issues sooner and forestalling the need for expensive drugs and treatments.

Cheryl Stanton, chief legal and government affairs officer at home care company BrightStar Care, pointed to a study by Avalere her firm commissioned that found that early intervention with targeted personal care services significantly reduced costs.

“If you’re in the home and see someone is sluggish and starting to go to the bathroom much more than usual, you can say something is wrong and have them tested early to find a UTI, rather than wait until they’ve gone into crisis and have to be hospitalized,” Stanton said.

And there’s a ready constituency for that message on Capitol Hill and at the White House, given the Medicare hospital insurance trust fund’s looming insolvency, and the impasse in Washington around another possible solution: raising taxes.



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Your guide to the 2023 White House Correspondents' dinner week parties and events


At its heart, the annual White House Correspondents’ Association dinner is about celebrating the First Amendment and honoring the journalists who hold our nation's most powerful officials accountable to the citizens who elected them.

It’s also, however, the centerpiece of a week's worth of festivities for Official Washington, and Playbook is your one-stop shop for all the goings-on. We've compiled an exhaustive and continuously updated list of all the top events below, and we’ll be collecting the best SPOTTEDs, pictures, anonymous overheards and behind-the-scenes content you need to know through the week.

If you’re heading to a party ahead of the official dinner Saturday and see anything interesting, get in touch. You can text a member of the Playbook team at 202-556-3307 or you can email us at playbook@politico.com. We’ll be out and about, but we’d love to have as many eyes and ears on the ground as possible. (And don’t worry, we’ll keep you anonymous.)

Finally, make sure you subscribe to the newsletter and read Playbook every day this week so you don't miss any of the action.



Monday, April 24

Napa Valley Vinters Wine Tasting Event

5:30-6:30 p.m.
Recording Industry Association
1000 F St. NW



Wednesday, April 26

An Evening Honoring Black News Contributors

6-8 p.m.
Embassy of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago
1708-1714 Massachusetts Ave. NW

Comcast-NBCU Leguizamo Does America Reception

6-8 p.m.
The Observatory at America's Square
300 New Jersey Ave. NW

Preface

7-9 p.m.
Private Residence
Northwest



Thursday, April 27

Washington Women in Journalism Awards

6-8 p.m.
Larz Anderson House
2118 Massachusetts Ave. NW

London Calling: The Great Playbook Debate

6:30 p.m.
British Embassy
3100 Massachusetts Ave. NW

Bytes and Bylines

6:30-9:30 p.m.
The Residence of the Ambassador of Ireland
2221 30th St. NW



Friday, April 28

FGS Global Happy Hour

5-7 p.m.
Bar Deco
717 6th St. NW

Crooked Media Reception

5-8 p.m.
Dauphine's
1100 15th St. NW

Voto Latino Event

6-8 p.m.
Decatur House
748 Jackson Place NW

MPA & SAG-AFTRA Reception

6-8 p.m.
Motion Picture Association
1600 I Str. NW

Elle Women of Impact Event

6-8 p.m.
Ciel Social Club
601 K St. NW

Washington Diplomat Media Bash

7-11 p.m.
Embassy of Italy
3000 Whitehaven St. NW

Axios After Hours

8:30 p.m.
National Building Museum
440 G St. NW

UTA Party

Evening
Fiola Mare
3100 K St. NW

Semafor Party

7-9:30 p.m.
Justin Smith Residence
Kalorama



Saturday, April 29

30th Annual Garden Brunch

Midday
Location to be announced

Time 100 Brunch Talk

11 a.m.-1 p.m.
Del Mar Restaurant
791 Wharf St. SW

Wall Street Journal Reception

5:30 p.m. 
Washington Hilton
1919 Connecticut Ave. NW

POLITICO & CBS News Reception

6 p.m. 
Washington Hilton
1919 Connecticut Ave. NW

ABC News Reception

6 p.m. 
Washington Hilton
1919 Connecticut Ave. NW

White House Correspondents' Association Dinner 2023

8 p.m.
Washington Hilton
1919 Connecticut Ave. NW

Comcast-NBCUniversal News Group Afterparty

11:30 p.m
Organization of American States
200 17th St. NW

Time Afterparty

10:30 p.m.
The Residence of the Swiss Ambassador
2920 Cathedral Ave. NW

NPR Reception

After the WHCD
Embassy of Luxembourg
2200 Massachusetts Ave. NW



Sunday, April 30

POLITICO Brunch

11 a.m.-1 p.m.
Robert & Elena Allbritton Residence
Georgetown

CNN Brunch

10:30 a.m.-1:30 p.m.
The LINE DC
1770 Euclid St. NW




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Targeted killings spark debate within Russian opposition

Two recent bombings have sharpened a debate about the most effective ways to oppose Putin — and whether violence has a part to play.

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Biden eyeing former Booker campaign aide for top reelection role


President Joe Biden is eyeing longtime Democratic operative Michael Tyler for the role of communications director on his 2024 campaign, according to two people familiar with the deliberations.

Tyler has held numerous high-ranking positions within the Democratic Party in addition to working at various groups within the progressive advocacy ecosystem. He recently helped the city of Atlanta with its unsuccessful bid for the Democratic National Convention in addition to working on Sen. Cory Booker’s 2020 presidential campaign and as chief of staff for the Democratic National Committee.

Tyler is widely regarded as a savvy operative with extensive experience on ballot access issues and party infrastructure matters. But he has also operated largely behind the scenes, suggesting that the communications director role for the campaign is not being envisioned as public facing.

Both people familiar with the deliberations cautioned that no decision has been made. But Biden’s consideration of Tyler for the senior position is another marker of a campaign in waiting inching closer to an actual announcement.

The president is slated to release a video as soon as Tuesday that would formally declare his intention to run for office again — though like any Biden-specific decision, it is subject to his whims and the timing could change.

But the president and his top aides are well into the process of identifying some prominent staffers for the reelection effort. He is eyeing Julie Chavez Rodriguez, who is currently a senior adviser and assistant to the president, for the role of campaign manager.

While she has extensive experience from working in both the Biden and Obama White Houses, and has served on previous campaigns, Rodriguez has not held a job that approaches the typical responsibilities of a campaign manager in a presidential race. Bloomberg was first to report that Rodriguez was under serious consideration for the post after POLITICO and other outlets included her name in several stories about Biden’s shortlist.

Biden famously keeps close counsel and has leaned on largely the same group of aides to chart his political career over the course of several decades. But, like Tyler, Rodriguez is not widely considered to be a core Biden insider, suggesting that the president may be looking to expand — and diversify — his inner circle as he embarks on a bid for a second term at the age of 80.



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3,000 migrants begin walk north from southern Mexico


TAPACHULA, Mexico — Around 3,000 migrants set out Sunday on what they call a mass protest procession through southern Mexico to demand the end of detention centers like the one that caught fire last month, killing 40 migrants.

The migrants started from the city of Tapachula, near the Guatemalan border. They say their aim is to reach Mexico City to demand changes in the way migrants are treated.

“It could well have been any of us,” Salvadoran migrant Miriam Argueta said of those killed in the fire. “In fact, a lot of our countrymen died. The only thing we are asking for is justice, and to be treated like anyone else.”

But in the past, many participants in such processions have continued on to the U.S. border, which is almost always their goal. The migrants are mainly from Central America, Cuba, Venezuela, Ecuador and Colombia.

Mexican authorities have used paperwork restrictions and highway checkpoints to bottle up tens of thousands of frustrated migrants in Tapachula, making it hard for them to travel to the U.S. border.

Argueta said that when migrants look for work in Tapachula, “they give us jobs, perhaps not humiliating, but the one the Mexicans don’t want to do, hard work that pays very little.”

Organizer Irineo Mújica said the migrants are demanding the dissolving of the country’s immigration agency, whose officials have been blamed — and some charged with homicide — in the March 27 fire. Mújica called the immigration detention centers “jails.”

The roots of the migrant caravan phenomenon began years ago when activists organized processions — often with a religious theme — during Holy Week to dramatize the hardships and needs of migrants. In 2018 a minority of those involved wound up traveling all the way to the U.S. border.

This year’s mass walk began well after Holy Week had ended, but Mújica, a leader of the Pueblos Sin Fronteras activist group, called it a “Viacrucis,” or stations of the cross procession, and some migrants carried wooden crosses.

“In this Viacrucis, we are asking the government that justice be done to the killers, for them to stop hiding high-ranking officials,” Mújica said in Tapachula before the long walk began. “We are also asking that these jails be ended, and that the National Immigration Institute be dissolved.”

Some migrants carried banners or crosses reading “Government Crime” and “The Government Killed Them.”

The migrants made it only as far as the town of Alvaro Obregon, about 9 miles (14 kilometers) from Tapachula, before stopping to settle down and rest for the remainder of the day, after having walked from around dawn.

The migrants stretched out under a covered athletic court and under trees at a park in Alvaro Obregon. There was no sign at the start of any police attempt to block them.

Mexican prosecutors have said they will press charges against the immigration agency’s top national official, Francisco Garduño, who is scheduled to make a court appearance April 21.

Federal prosecutors have said Garduño was remiss in not preventing the disaster in Ciudad Juarez despite earlier indications of problems at his agency’s detention centers. Prosecutors said government audits had found “a pattern of irresponsibility and repeated omissions” in the immigration institute.

The fire in Ciudad Juarez, across the border from El Paso, Texas, began after a migrant allegedly set fire to foam mattresses to protest a supposed transfer. The fire quickly filled the facility with smoke. No one let the migrants out.

Six officials of the National Immigration Institute, a guard at the center and the Venezuelan migrant accused of starting the blaze are already in custody facing homicide charges.

Migrants, especially poorer ones who cannot afford to pay migrant smugglers, have often seen such mass walks, or caravans, as a way to reach the U.S. border. Successive caravans grew to massive size in 2018 and 2019 before authorities in Mexico and Central American began stopping them of highways.

The Covid-19 pandemic also played a role in quashing the caravans, as countries instituted health restrictions.

The heat and sheer effort of walking 750 miles to Mexico City usually forces migrants to start walking in the pre-dawn darkness and stop in the early afternoon in towns along the way.

Many of the migrants — some carrying infants or babies in strollers — also look to catch rides from passing trucks. In the past, authorities have sometimes allowed that to happen, and sometimes prohibited it. But sheer desperation drives many of the migrants.

Venezuelan migrant Estefany Peroez was walking with her three daughters. In Tapachula, they had been sleeping in the streets.

“We don’t have anything to eat, the authorities don’t help us, we are doing this to give my daughters a better life,” Peroez said.



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NAACP sues Mississippi over ‘separate and unequal policing’


JACKSON, Miss. — The NAACP warns that “separate and unequal policing” will return to Mississippi’s majority-Black capital under a state-run police department, and the civil rights organization is suing the governor and other officials over it.

Republican Gov. Tate Reeves says violent crime in Jackson has made it necessary to expand where the Capitol Police can patrol and to authorize some appointed rather than elected judges.

But the NAACP said in its lawsuit filed late Friday that these are serious violations of the principle of self-government because they take control of the police and some courts out of the hands of residents.

“In certain areas of Jackson, a citizen can be arrested by a police department led by a State-appointed official, be charged by a State-appointed prosecutor, be tried before a State-appointed judge, and be sentenced to imprisonment in a State penitentiary regardless of the severity of the act,” the lawsuit says.

Derrick Johnson, the national president of the NAACP, is himself a resident of Jackson. At a community meeting earlier this month, he said the policing law would treat Black people as “second-class citizens.”

The legislation was passed by a majority-white and Republican-controlled state House and Senate. Jackson is governed by Democrats and about 83% of residents are Black, the largest percentage of any major U.S. city.

The governor said this week that the Jackson Police Department is severely understaffed and he believes the state-run Capitol Police can provide stability. The city of 150,000 residents has had more than 100 homicides in each of the past three years.

“We’re working to address it,” Reeves said in a statement Friday. “And when we do, we’re met with overwhelming false cries of racism and mainstream media who falsely call our actions ‘Jim Crow.’”

According to one of the bills Reeves signed into law Friday, Capitol Police will have “concurrent” jurisdiction with Jackson Police Department in the city. The expanded jurisdiction for the Capitol Police would begin July 1.

Another law will create a temporary court within a Capitol Complex Improvement District covering a portion of Jackson. The court will have the same power as municipal courts, which handle misdemeanor cases, traffic violations and initial appearances for some criminal charges. The new law says people convicted in the Capitol Complex Improvement District Court may be put in a state prison rather than in a city or county jail.

The judge of the new court is not required to live in Jackson and will be appointed by the Mississippi Supreme Court chief justice. The current chief justice is a conservative white man.



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Opinion | The Supreme Court Stopped Short of a Radical Act


The Supreme Court pulled back from the edge. In suspending the district court’s nationwide bar on the abortion pill mifepristone, the high court’s conservative majority (with two exceptions) declined to embrace the radicalism of its ideological allies. The move not only ensures access to a drug long deemed safe by the FDA but may help bolster the court’s increasingly tenuous public credibility.

The Supreme Court has recently experienced a sharp decline in popular support. That should not be surprising amid evidence suggesting that people view courts as being impartial if judicial decisions match their policy preferences. The series of high-profile rulings advancing policy interests aligned with the Republican Party’s right flank — on reproductive choice, on guns, on climate change — are shaping public opinion. They are likely driving Democratic voters to see the federal courts as instruments for the delivery of far-right policy preferences.

The decision to maintain the status quo on mifepristone by the same court that struck down Roe v Wade may be a quiet nod to the waning legitimacy of the court, and a concern about further backlash.


But what if the politics of judicial reform are already shifting under the justices’ feet?

The high-profile state Supreme Court race in Wisconsin — and the potential fallout — suggests that may be the case. During the midterms, that quintessential purple state delivered slim victories to a Democratic governor and a Republican senator. Less than five months later, though, a left-leaning candidate, Judge Janet Protasiewicz, ran up a double-digit advantage over her right-of-center opponent.

The Protasiewicz win fits awkwardly with a well-hallowed chestnut of political wisdom — that the politics of judicial power aren’t symmetrical across the party line. Simply put, Republican voters tend to have stronger feelings than Democrats about judicial appointments, and cast their votes in primaries to punish or reward candidates on that basis. In contrast, there’s some evidence that Democratic voters punish candidates who center campaigns on the courts. Republicans, indeed, have kept their eyes on the prize by prioritizing ideological consistency. Democrats such as President Joe Biden have instead aimed for representativeness across gender, ethnicity and professional grounds. The result is a less ideologically consistent and less coherent bench of Biden and Obama appointees.

In addition to his own centrist, institutionally minded temperament, it is likely this uneven pattern of voter attention to the courts that shaped the way in which the Biden White House has so far approached the politics of court reform. Rather than embracing calls on the left to expand the Supreme Court, the newly inaugurated president created a sprawling, bipartisan commission to study the question of reform. The body was largely staffed with legal academics of diverse views and partisan orientations. It was entirely predictable that such a group would not reach a consensus on reform. The commission was plainly designed to delay, and hence deflate, the push for structural change to the federal courts. And so it did — producing an extensive and academic report that elicited precisely nothing of political or practical significance.

But Wisconsin’s judicial election earlier this month suggests that the White House’s assessment of how judicial politics plays among Democratic voters no longer holds water. That election may signal a broader shift in the tectonics of voter mobilization in respect to courts and judges more generally.



The most obvious reason for thinking something has changed is that it was Democrats, and not Republicans, who were galvanized by the judicial election. These voters, moreover, were moved by the issue of judicial power but were not motivated as much by the goal of electing Democrats. In a state Senate race held that same day, the Republican candidate eked out a win. That too was a highly consequential election, giving Republicans a Senate supermajority and the votes to oust officials through impeachment.

Nor can it be said that the issue of abortion made all the difference: The question of reproductive choice plainly loomed large in November 2022. And yet GOP Sen. Ron Johnson, always a reliable voice for the anti-abortion position, retained his seat. Plainly, abortion politics explains in part why Protasiewicz won — but it can’t be the whole story.

In the wake of her election, we may also see more realignment in the politics of court reform. Until now, it has been Democrats on the left of their party who had pressed hardest for changing the courts through structural reform or other measures.

But in Wisconsin, Republicans were talking of impeaching Protasiewicz… before she had even won the election, let alone taken office. This is all the more remarkable because — unless she’s committed a crime — Protasiewicz can be impeached only for “conduct in office,” according to the state constitution, i.e. for things she presumably may do in the future.

Some state GOP lawmakers have since backed away from such talk, and in any event, the Democratic governor would be empowered to appoint a replacement. But the legislature could respond to rulings they dislike with the kinds of other tools that progressives have been advocating at the national level: measures such as jurisdiction-stripping and changes to the size of the court.

If the political script on judicial power gets flipped in Wisconsin — if GOP legislators act to rein in a liberal-leaning court — what could this bode for a broader change nationally? Or what happens if conservative federal judges or Supreme Court justices advance a far-right agenda reviled by progressives and even many centrists?

Surely, the next time Democrats have full control of Washington, the push to overhaul the judiciary will be a top priority, if they have the votes.



Even apart from its precedent-shattering opinions, some justices are doing little to build trust in the court. ProPublica’s revelations that Justice Clarence Thomas both received expensive gifts and engaged in six-figure real-estate transactions with a conservative billionaire will add fuel to the fire of public suspicion. Democratic calls for Thomas’ impeachment are, of course, unlikely to lead to any legislative action. But in striking contrast to the impeachment calls targeting Protasiewicz, they draw public attention to judicial behavior that plainly raises serious ethical questions, even if it doesn’t in the end cross a line into rank illegality.

All this means that the political dynamics of court reform are on the verge of a momentous shift: Democratic voters are likely to be more energized, and more likely to stomach what might have once seemed explosive measures. And for once, they may even be willing to reward candidates for public office who promise to follow through.



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