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Thursday, 6 April 2023

Hochul officials drop proposal to weaken climate law amid criticism


ALBANY, N.Y. — Gov. Kathy Hochul’s top climate officials, a day after defending a proposal to rewrite the climate law because of cost concerns, said Wednesday that the major change is no longer a priority in budget negotiations after backlash from environmental advocates and lawmakers.

In an interview with POLITICO, state Department of Environmental Commissioner Basil Seggos and NYSERDA president and CEO Doreen Harris indicated that Hochul would not be pushing a controversial plan to change how New York accounts for its emissions.

Last week, POLITICO was the first to report that the climate law revision was a priority in budget talks that are set to go into overtime at least until Monday. She is still seeking a deal on “cap and invest,” which would set up an auction for emissions allowances and drive increased gas and energy prices that would include a rebate to consumers to cushion the cost at the pump, they said.

They didn’t rule out the measure being considered in the future but noted it won’t be a top agenda item in the budget for the Democratic governor.

“The other other elements that we’ve discussed recently may take time to get done. We may get it done during the budget. That may happen during the session; it may take the course of a year,” Seggos said Wednesday. "The fundamental takeaway is it’s full steam ahead for cap and invest with the climate action rebate and any other elements we’ll take up as soon as we can.”

The shift comes after Seggos and Harris earlier this week went on a media blitz to defend Hochul’s proposal. They penned an op-ed on the cost concerns, went on Spectrum News’ Capital Tonight and even defended the plan to rewrite the climate law to POLITICO in an interview on Tuesday.

Some Democratic lawmakers have slammed the proposal, as have environmental groups who see it as a weakening of the state’s climate law.

“With respect to the budget, we’re focusing on the rebates in the first instance,” Harris said Wednesday. “Ultimately, there’s a lot of nuance around this accounting framework that we are committed to sorting out.”

Liz Moran, the New York policy advocate for Earthjustice, said it was good the governor has dropped the push.

“This is a conversation that really sidetracked us from being able to have a meaningful conversation for about a week,” Moran said. “What took place over the past week should not be repeated.”

She said now the focus could turn to proposals such as electrifying new buildings, a measure to limit gas utility expansion and cap utility bill expenses for low and moderate income New York residents and other priorities. Environmental groups will continue to oppose the accounting change.

New York’s law was the most ambitious statutory mandate in the nation requiring emissions reductions when it passed in 2019. It required emissions to be slashed 40 percent from 1990 levels by 2030 and 85 percent by 2050, with the remainder offset. It also requires zero-emissions electricity by 2040.

While other states have passed laws requiring more aggressive percentage reductions since, New York is unique in using three factors that increase the emissions that have to be reduced: a 20-year metric, out-of-state upstream emissions from imported fuels and “biogenic” emissions from burning fuels like wood and ethanol.

New York is the one of only two jurisdictions to use a 20-year time horizon to account for the damaging effects of planet-warming gasses instead of 100 years. Maryland’s 2022 climate law also uses the 20-year metric.

The important distinction was a key provision pushed by supporters of the state’s Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act passed in 2019. It makes methane, the main component of natural gas, more potent than under the longer accounting timeline. Backers say this more accurately reflects the short-term warming impact of greenhouse gasses and the urgency around reducing emissions.

The three components make New York’s law more ambitious in terms of the urgency of action and the amount of reductions required. If New York were to use the same accounting nearly every other state does, its statutory targets would fall behind at least Washington, Massachusetts and Maryland — the only other state to use the 20-year timeline for its emission reduction requirement.

Seggos and Harris said Tuesday that unique accounting approach also raises potential costs of New York’s climate mandates for residents.

Some business groups, biofuels producers and the New York State AFL-CIO have backed the accounting change.

“We think reviewing the emissions accounting standards makes sense in the context of cap and invest, building decarbonization, building public renewables, and other vital proposals to reduce emissions,” Mario Cilento, president of the New York State AFL-CIO said in a statement March 31.

New York’s 20-year standard “will make us far less competitive to attract private developers and other clean energy manufacturers. It will also make it difficult to prevent leakage associated with manufacturing and other employers leaving the state for other jurisdictions,” he said.

Environmental groups have also raised concerns that an accounting change could allow more import and burning of fuels like renewable natural gas, which still emit health-harming co-pollutants but could be counted as lower carbon if the state changes its policy.

New York implementing a cap-and-trade system to limit emissions would be a significant step. But there’s a gulf between Hochul’s proposal and legislative leaders. Assembly Democrats have indicated they’d rather deal with “cap and invest,” as the state has branded it, outside the budget. The Senate has proposed a version that would prohibit any trading of allowances and put more restrictions on the spending side.

Seggos said he wasn’t sure if the Senate’s restrictions on trading had implications for affordability and that he’d leave the details up to staff at the negotiating table.

“Cost remains a priority for us, and that the governor’s original proposal through her State of the State remains a priority for her, and the more difficult potential changes to the law that that have been contemplated may take more time,” he said.



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Wisconsin Republicans once more felled by a common foe: The mail


Republicans lost big in Wisconsin. But their downfall came well before Tuesday.

Liberal Milwaukee County judge Janet Protasiewicz crushed former conservative state Supreme Court Justice Dan Kelly. The race wasn't particularly close. Protasiewicz won by 11 points, or over 200,000 votes.

One reason she won: She had a big head start on votes before polls even opened on Tuesday.

At least 435,000 people voted early, either by mail or in-person. Democratic Party officials estimated ahead of the election that Protasiewicz banked at least a 100,000 vote advantage from that bucket of voters.

“Democrats are playing a totally different game than Republicans are,” said Rebecca Kleefisch, a Republican who has served as Scott Walker’s lieutenant governor and lost a gubernatorial primary last year.

Democrats have embraced a big mail and absentee voting strategy in the past few cycles, but Republicans have been skeptical — in part because of loud criticism of the practice from former President Donald Trump. But it comes at a cost. Republicans are increasingly finding themselves in the hole before Election Day even arrives.

“We need to do what is legal, the same way Democrats are doing what is legal," Kleefisch said. "Republicans sometimes cling to strategies that are not embracing all of the new opportunities that have been afforded.”



The lack of mail strategy creates a huge financial and get-out-the-vote disadvantage for Republicans — and after Tuesday’s blowout, some in the party are renewing calls for that to change.

“You can't be down several hundred thousand votes and think that you're going to make it up in 13 hours on Election Day. I mean, that's just not a math equation that works for our side,” said state Republican Party executive director Mark Jefferson.

Perhaps ironically, Wisconsin is a state where the conservative apparatus has been among the most proactive about trying to get voters to vote early. Jefferson was paraphrasing party chair Brian Schimming, who has been practically begging Republicans to vote early in the run-up to the election.

The more reliable Republicans who vote early, they say, the more it frees the party up to contact lower propensity voters for Election Day.

Jefferson argued that the party made progress this cycle. But, he noted, “I don't think anyone was under the impression that we were going to change the culture on early voting in one election cycle.”

“We've had some struggles on our side in the past because a lot of our folks have a philosophical problem with early voting,” he added.

It isn’t the first time Republicans have grappled with this conundrum: Shortly after Trump’s loss, operatives and media pundits declared that the GOP’s unilateral disarmament with early and mail voting was a mistake.

But, operatives say, that is not something that will simply change over night. It requires a consistent drumbeat from party leaders to get Republican voters to do it.

“I think Chairman Schimming has done a really good job on that, letting people know it's okay,” said Bill McCoshen, a longtime Republican lobbyist and operative in Wisconsin. “There is a method to the madness: We [need to be] banking as many votes early as we can so that we can focus on those traditional voters who haven't voted by Election Day, who become the focus over the final weekend.”

But that only goes so far with Trump. The indicted former president has raged against mail voting for years — falsely saying it is a source of significant fraud that benefits Democrats — and has regularly called for most voting to happen in-person on Election Day.

His campaign has tried to sing a different tune lately, but in an interview with Fox News host Sean Hannity late last month, Trump said “I never changed anything, what I did is say ‘mail-in ballots are automatically corrupt,’” and that he would want “same day voting ideally.” After some gentle coaching from Hannity, Trump eventually allowed that Republicans “will have no choice” but to accept those voting methods.


That puts Trump at odds with Republicans who believe the party needs to speak with one voice on the issue.

“Some groups have pushed [early voting], Trump even says that in some capacity — some days, other days he doesn't,” said Matt Batzel, the Wisconsin-based national executive director of American Majority Action, a conservative group that had a ballot chase program in Wisconsin for this election. “That just has to change, otherwise we’ll continue to get whooped like last night.”

Batzel noted, however, a general resistance from some voters and party operatives that is tough to overcome. “Culturally, and tactically, we're stuck in the 90s,” he said.

Democrats crowed about their successful program following Protasiewicz’s win on Tuesday, crediting their robust early vote program as one of their keys to success.

“The Democratic early vote machine really started in the spring Supreme Court race of 2020, when Covid hit,” state Democratic Party Chair Ben Wikler said. (Kelly was also a candidate in that contest, losing with a similarly lopsided margin.)

That change in 2020 necessitated a whole new approach for how the party reached out to voters, Wikler said. A major investment for the party then was helping would-be early voters navigate the sometimes-complicated ballot request system for the first time. But that pays dividends for the party now, with a sizable number of those voters now sticking with early voting.

“By the time we get to Election Day, we're focused on the people that we know haven't voted yet, which in effect multiplies the size of our volunteer operation,” Wikler said. “Because if you take the same number of volunteers focused on a smaller number of voters, you get more knocks on the doors and more calls to people's phones.”

Some Republicans also believe that they are missing out on independent, persuadable voters. By the time they are contacted by the conservative apparatus, they may have already made plans to cast an early vote for a Democrat.

“There's still a large number of independents that are voting absentee,” Batzel said. “And we don't want to just cede independents to the other side because we're just not having the conversations about voting soon enough.”

And if Republicans don’t eventually embrace it, it will only hurt the party in the long term.

“The message to our voters needs to change,” said Jesse Hunt, a veteran GOP operative who has served in senior roles at the RGA, NRSC and NRCC.

Madison Fernandez contributed to this report.



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DeSantis picks up second 2024 House GOP endorsement (despite not yet announcing)

Thomas Massie joins Chip Roy in supporting the Florida governor, who has yet to officially declare his candidacy.

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DOJ reaches $144.5M tentative settlement over 2017 Texas mass shooting


The Justice Department announced Wednesday it reached a $144.5 million tentative settlement with the families and victims of the 2017 mass shooting at a church in Sutherland Springs, Texas.

If the settlement is approved by a court, it would end a yearslong legal battle over the federal government’s partial responsibility for the shooting that left 26 people dead and 22 wounded.

A judge ruled in 2021 that the U.S. Air Force failed to exercise reasonable care when it didn’t submit the shooter’s criminal history to the FBI’s background database, which “would have prevented him from purchasing guns from a federally licensed firearms dealer,” DOJ said.

Devin Patrick Kelley, a former Air Force service member, opened fire during a Sunday service at the First Baptist Church of Sutherland Springs in November 2017. The shooter died of an apparent self-inflicted gunshot wound.

“No words or amount of money can diminish the immense tragedy of the mass shooting in Sutherland Springs,” Associate Attorney General Vanita Gupta said in a press release. “Today’s announcement brings the litigation to a close, ending a painful chapter for the victims of this unthinkable crime.”

The tentative settlements will resolve claims by more than 75 plaintiffs arising out of the shooting, DOJ said.

DOJ reached a $127.5 million settlement with the victims of the school shooting in Parkland, Fla., in 2018 and a $88 million settlement to the families of those killed in the South Carolina church shooting in 2015.



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Cash App founder Bob Lee dies at 43


Bob Lee, founder of Cash App and the former chief technology officer of Square, died Tuesday in San Francisco.

The San Francisco Chronicle and other outlets reported 43-year-old Lee died after being fatally stabbed early Tuesday morning, citing unnamed sources and police.

MobileCoin, a cryptocurrency and digital payments startup where Lee had been serving as chief product officer since 2021, issued a statement confirming Lee's death without naming a cause.

“Our dear friend and colleague, Bob Lee passed away yesterday at the age of 43, survived by a loving family and collection of close friends and collaborators,” said Josh Goldbard, CEO of MobileCoin. “Bob was a dynamo, a force of nature. Bob was the genuine article.”

The San Francisco Police Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The department said in a Tuesday evening statement that officers responded earlier that morning to a report of a stabbing and found a 43-year-old male victim, who was taken to a hospital and succumbed to his injuries there. The report did not identify the victim and stated that no arrests have been made in the case.



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Wednesday, 5 April 2023

Chicago mayor’s race exposes some of the biggest divides in the city’s politics

Paul Vallas and Brandon Johnson represent two polarizing visions on public safety and education.

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Why Tennessee GOP’s effort to oust 3 Dem lawmakers is so unusual


There’s the Oregon lawmaker expelled for his involvement in an armed incursion into the state capitol. The Idaho House member kicked out following a federal fraudconviction. And the Arizona representative removed over multiple accusations of sexually harassment.

It’s rare but not unheard of for state legislators to oust their own colleagues, typically in cases where individuals are found guilty of crimes or accused of severe ethical lapses.

But what’s unfolding in the Tennessee State Capitol, where Republican leaders want to expel three Democrats over participation in a protest demanding new gun-safety laws, is extraordinary for its political brazenness and scope.

“It will echo across the country. I think it will have a chilling effect on all states where there’s supermajorities or very red states,” Rep. Gloria Johnson, one of the Democrats under threat of expulsion, said in a phone interview Tuesday. “This is chipping away at our democracy, there’s no question, because everybody’s going to wonder, ‘am I next?’”

The ACLU in Tennessee also issued a warning the effort “undermines Democracy.”

“Expulsion is an extreme measure that is used very infrequently in our state and our country because it strips voters of representation by the people they elected,” Kathy Sinback, the executive director of the ACLU in Tennessee, said in a statement.

State legislatures often go decades without taking such an action against members.

The dustup began last week, when hundreds of protestors gathered at the capitol in Nashville to urge lawmakers to pass gun safety measures in the aftermath of a shooting at a local school that left three adults and three children dead.

Amid the protests that leaked into the building, Reps. Gloria Johnson, Justin Jones and Justin Pearson led chants on the House floor in which they called on their colleagues to pass new gun laws. The lawmakers were aided by a bullhorn.

Their stunt enraged Republicans, who promptly introduced resolutions calling for their removal, sparking further chaos on the House floor.

Now, Republican leaders — who likened those actions to an “insurrection” — will vote Thursday on whether the members should be allowed to continue serving in the House or be removed from office. The Democrats have already been stripped of their committee assignments.



Resolutions filed against the three declared that they had participated in “disorderly behavior” and “did knowingly and intentionally bring disorder and dishonor to the House of Representatives.”

Critics of the move to evict the members argued that Republicans have failed in the past to remove their members of their own party who acted egregiously, such as a former representative who was accused of sexually assaulting teenagers when he was a basketball coach.

“It’s morally insane that a week after a mass shooting took six lives in our community, House Republicans only response is to expel us for standing with our constituents to call for gun control,” Jones tweeted Tuesday afternoon. “What’s happening in Tennessee is a clear danger to democracy all across this nation.”

The group of Democrats faces tough odds surviving the vote: Both chambers of the Tennessee legislature are controlled by a Republican supermajority. Special elections will be held if the resolutions pass.

Johnson, a former teacher who survived a school shooting that left one student dead, said she plans to bring an attorney to Thursday’s vote and “defend herself.”

“I’m happy to show up and make my case heard, because I will always lift up the voices of the people in my district who want to see gun sense legislation,” Johnson said.



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