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Tuesday 23 January 2024

After dropping presidential bid, Burgum says he won't seek third term as governor


A month after dropping out of the presidential race, North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum has announced he won’t seek a third term as governor.

“Serving as governor and first lady of North Dakota has been one of the most incredible and rewarding experiences of our lives,” Burgum said in a statement Monday. “We are eternally grateful to the citizens for giving us this opportunity.”

Burgum, who repeatedly polled in the single digits while in the race for president, recently endorsed Donald Trump. Burgum plans to join the former president onstage at a rally Monday in New Hampshire alongside two other former GOP presidential candidates who recently endorsed Trump, Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.) and Vivek Ramaswamy.

The two-term North Dakota governor dropped out of the race last month after operating on a mostly self-funded campaign, thanks to his prior career as a software entrepreneur. Burgum’s company, Great Plains Software, sold in 2001 to Microsoft for $1.1 billion.

Burgum made it to the debate stage twice, gaining some name recognition when he became the first candidate to offer $20 gift cards to those who contributed $1 to his campaign in an effort to hit the RNC’s qualifying rules.


Burgum, 67, first ran for governor in 2016 and won in a major upset when he defeated North Dakota Attorney General Wayne Stenehjem by more than 20 points. Prior to being governor, Burgum had never held a public office.

While in office, Burgum has cut taxes, rolled back transgender rights and signed a law banning almost all abortions in the state. As a presidential candidate, Burgum said he would not sign a nationwide ban on abortion.



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Monday 22 January 2024

The single biggest issue dividing California's Senate race


No other issue has divided the top three Democratic candidates in the California Senate race as much as the Israel-Hamas conflict.

Rep. Adam Schiff and Rep. Barbara Lee represent opposite ends of their party on the war, with Schiff largely supporting Israel’s response while Lee has called for an immediate cease-fire since the day after the Oct. 7 attack.

Rep. Katie Porter has sought a middle-of-the-road approach, calling for a “bilateral cease-fire,” in effect demanding an end to the violence with conditions attached.

Divisions between the three representatives — one of whom is expected to win the Senate seat in deep-blue California — mirror intraparty rifts among Democrats nationwide over the Biden administration’s response to the war.

A recent poll from the Public Policy Institute of California found more than 90 percent of Californians have heard at least some news about the conflict, and protests have disrupted major political events around the state. Mark Baldassare, a veteran pollster at PPIC, said voters are showing unusually high interest in the candidates’ stances on the international issue.

“It’s a foreign policy issue that’s front and center in terms of the job description,” he said.



Former Los Angeles Dodgers star Steve Garvey, a Republican, is polling in the top three. After a Thursday meeting with Bay Area Jewish leaders, he said he stood with Israel, and does not support a cease-fire.

Garvey, Schiff, Porter and Lee will defend their positions during their first California Senate debate from 6 p.m. to 7:30 p.m. PST Monday in Los Angeles. It will be livestreamed on POLITICO.

How did the war become such a central issue in the race?

Israel’s counteroffensive in Gaza has sharply divided Democratic primary voters as the death toll — now estimated at more than 24,000 — rises. (About 1,200 people were killed in the October attacks against Israel). The tensions have spilled over into protests at the party’s fall convention in Sacramento and within the halls of the state Capitol.

The cease-fire issue has become a litmus test for the party’s far left flank, with many citing Lee’s stance as the reason for supporting her campaign.

Where does Lee stand?

Lee has stressed her call for an immediate cease-fire “since the beginning,” on the trail. She argues that an armistice with conditions is “not a ceasefire at all” — an apparent dig at Porter.

She has also used the issue to point to her opposition to the Afghanistan and Iraq wars, which made her an progressive icon in Congress.

Lee has sought to use the contrast to galvanize primary voters on the left. At the California Democratic Party’s fall convention in Sacramento, protesters gave her a standing ovation while heckling Schiff and Porter.

Lee has repeatedly campaigned on her cease-fire stance during town halls hosted by groups like Our Revolution, one of the largest progressive organizations in the country and an offshoot of Bernie Sanders’ 2016 presidential campaign.

Her reach is limited, though, without the money to buy many TV ads or communicate statewide beyond the most highly engaged groups.

How has Porter shifted?

Porter and Schiff were initially in lockstep on the issue, with both refusing to back calls for a cease-fire and showing strong support for Israel’s right to defend itself in the wake of the attacks.

But Porter carved out a separate lane in December as the death toll mounted and President Joe Biden, a steadfast supporter of Israel, expressed growing frustration with the Israeli government over its “indiscriminate bombing.”

Porter said the U.S.’s role should be “to identify and push for conditions where a lasting bilateral ceasefire is possible.” She attached conditions including the release of all hostages seized in the attacks, the end of Hamas control of Gaza and security for Israel.

While rival campaigns accused Porter of shifting with public sentiment, her campaign said her new position reflected changing realities in a volatile war.

Has Schiff changed his position at all?

Schiff has resisted pressure to back some form of a cease-fire. He has been most in line with the Biden administration’s stance of supporting Israel’s right to respond to Hamas while calling on its government to minimize civilian casualties and support humanitarian pauses for aid.

Schiff has said he cannot support a cease-fire while Hamas continues to hold Israeli citizens hostage and while Hamas remains in power in Gaza.

“No state could allow that kind of terrorist threat to exist on its border,” Schiff recently told the editorial boards of McClatchy’s California newspapers.

Late last year, Schiff sharply condemned the Oakland City Council for passing a cease-fire resolution while refusing to denounce Hamas. He’s also raised concerns about antisemitic actions on college campuses and rising Islamophobia.

Schiff, at the same time, has been critical of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. On Friday, he and other Jewish members of Congress denounced Netanyahu for rejecting calls to create a Palestinian state in a post-war scenario.

How is it resonating in polling?

A recent poll from the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies found registered voters in California divided over the cease-fire question: 41 percent supported Israel agreeing to a cease-fire even if Hamas remains a force in Gaza; 36 percent supported Israel continuing military operations until Hamas is removed; and 23 percent had no opinion.

The poll found young voters and people of color were less supportive of Israel’s actions than older and white voters.

The word “cease-fire” has become especially loaded in the conflict, with Palestinians and many progressive activists using the word to call for an immediate halt to Israel’s military campaign. Many Democrats have also sought to broaden the definition with a “bilateral cease-fire” that includes conditions.

Tyler Gregory, CEO of the San Francisco Bay Area Jewish Community Relations Council, said he views both Schiff and Porter’s stances as comparably supportive of Israel, saying, “the difference is largely semantics.”

“We take issue with the term ‘cease-fire,’” Gregory added. “It’s become so politicized, it means different things to different people. The question is, ‘What do you believe is going to achieve peace and security?’”



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How DeSantis collapsed in the glare of a presidential campaign


MANCHESTER, New Hampshire — It was never supposed to be this way.

A year ago, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis' operation had grand visions for his campaign. He was going to burst out of Iowa triumphantly and sail through New Hampshire on his way to capturing the GOP nomination as the new face of the party.

But reality set in after his recent distant second place showing in Iowa and grim polls showing him in single digits in New Hampshire. DeSantis on Sunday afternoon exited the presidential race and endorsed former President Donald Trump, saying: "I can't ask our supporters to volunteer their time and donate their resources if we don't have a clear path to victory.”

It’s a bruising end for a candidate looking to take his winning streak in Florida national and demonstrate to Republicans that he could continue the MAGA-favored policies of isolationism and cultural conservatism without the signature Trump chaos.

It turns out chaos wasn’t the liability he had hoped.

“At the end of the day, there was a lot of political malpractice,” said Dennis Lennox, a Republican operative who helped organize a letter on behalf of Michigan state GOP lawmakers to get DeSantis to run for president. Lennox cited DeSantis’ struggles to shake perceptions about him — including that he couldn’t connect with voters on a personal level. He also concluded that DeSantis failed to surround himself with experienced advisers.



“Simply too many within his inner circle were either Tallahassee operatives with little national experience at the presidential level or they were part of the New Right Twitter chattering class and had little to no grounding outside their very insular and detached reality,” he said.

A little more than a year ago, coming off a resounding reelection victory in his home state, DeSantis was seen as a rising conservative star whose record and massive fundraising would help him become the next big thing for Republicans eager to move away from Trump.

But along the way, he was doomed by missteps and a resurgence for the former president.

Political observers and people within DeSantis’ orbit saw signs of a poor campaign for months as DeSantis dropped in the polls and fought off negative headlines about his awkward persona, funding mismanagement, failure to hang onto major donors and political allies, as well as struggles over how to effectively contrast himself with Trump.

Whit Ayres, who was a pollster for DeSantis in his 2018 gubernatorial campaign, described similar findings in his research. “They’re not going to settle for a second-best Trump if they can get Trump himself,” Ayres said. “The market was for the ‘Maybe Trump’ voters. … That is the market that Nikki Haley has tapped that Ron DeSantis has failed to tap.”

Few anticipated the degree to which Trump’s criminal indictments would seal his support among Republican voters. But before DeSantis even jumped into the race in late May, he was speaking on Trump’s behalf — slamming a “manufactured circus by some Soros DA” in reference to the pending Manhattan district attorney’s indictment of the former president.





Ninety-one criminal charges spanning four cases later, it has become clear Trump was stronger than ever. He broke fundraising records off of his Georgia mugshot, sailed in poll after poll and campaigned on an adopted martyr persona. DeSantis was left to all but defend Trump, while attempting to persuade Republicans he had become a more viable option in a general election.

The Florida governor, known nationally as a bulwark against federal Covid policies, also found himself defined by the former president. Trump’s campaign and political action committee went after DeSantis in a highly organized, effective — and expensive — way, months before the Florida governor even got into the race and at a time when he was legally barred from responding to criticisms under federal elections laws.

Then DeSantis, 45, botched his May 2023 entrance into the presidential campaign by launching in a glitch-saddled appearance on X rather than showcasing his young, telegenic family at an in-person event.

DeSantis lost traction in the months ahead. By July, his campaign had to announce rounds of layoffs, leadership shake ups and what they described as a “reload.” November carried leaks about the internal drama that surrounded Never Back Down, the super PAC supporting his candidacy. Several news outlets closed out the year with DeSantis’ political obituary.

“There's a lot of false narratives that are out there,” Scott Wagner, chair and CEO of Never Back Down, told POLITICO during an interview when asked about campaign missteps after the Iowa caucuses were called for Trump. “And there's a lot of false narratives that are pushed by people who have different agendas. I don't think the governor's campaign has been a bad campaign. I think it's been a good campaign. He's done things the right way.”

The DeSantis campaign did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

DeSantis’ biggest miscalculation may date back to 2019, when he fired his political operative, Susie Wiles, during his first term under accusations that she leaked a fundraising document, which she denied. Trump later hired Wiles, a seasoned operative deeply connected in Florida, to run his presidential campaign alongside Chris LaCivita. Together, they wielded a disciplined, orderly and decidedly un-Trumpian campaign.

They also had the advantage of bringing in seasoned experts DeSantis had dumped, including former aide Justin Caporale, former deputy chief of staff James Blair and Florida director Brian Hughes. In an early sign of how they planned to embarrass the governor on his home turf, the Trump campaign collected endorsements from Florida’s congressional delegation right as DeSantis was set to visit DC and before he had the power to court endorsements because he hadn’t formally entered the race. After that, they began aggressively wooing Florida’s grassroots Republicans.

While the endorsements may not have had any effect on the average Republican caucus goer in Iowa, they showed an intimate knowledge of what made DeSantis tick and gave the impression that he was unprepared and disconnected from his home state.



“He ousted people who knew where the skeletons were and knew all his baggage,” said one Florida party member who had firsthand knowledge of the history between DeSantis and Wiles and was granted anonymity to discuss the sensitive subject. The member was granted anonymity to freely discuss the issue. “Those were the people who orchestrated his takedown.”

Even the strongest DeSantis supporters said the biggest hurdle that he could not overcome was Trump.

“The problem we have is Trump and DeSantis have the same base and Trump created that base....I don't think any of the campaign mishaps were fatal flaws. The problem is running against Donald Trump. If Trump is not running, Ron DeSantis is the nominee,” said a fundraiser for DeSantis who was granted anonymity to speak openly.

Indeed DeSantis’ campaign announcement on Twitter was beset by technical glitches. Nearly eight months later, on a sub-zero night in Iowa, that campaign all but ended in frozen despair.



How DeSantis should have criticized Trump is a matter of debate, even among those who wanted to see the governor do well. Some were concerned DeSantis focused too hard on Trump’s base by trying to run to the right of the former president.

“DeSantis tried to wrestle Trump for the ‘Always Trumpers,’ which is basically like a death cult,” said pollster Sarah Longwell, who founded the anti-Trump Republican Accountability Project. “That was a strategic error. He wasn’t going to get those people.”

In doing so, Longwell said DeSantis alienated voters she classified as “Move on from Trumpers” — voters who registered their positions as “super DeSantis curious” throughout her focus groups, before souring on him.

Others thought DeSantis should be more critical of Trump. Among them was New Hampshire Majority Leader Jason Osborne, who said he had numerous conversations with DeSantis encouraging him to attack Trump’s White House record early on and was glad when he finally did.

“I was hoping what I was signing onto was a campaign of really prosecuting Trump’s record … There is just so much to talk about,” Osborne said. “Every hiring decision was wrong. Every interaction with Congress was wrong, how he let himself get steamrolled by everyone who wanted to spend trillions of dollars.”



DeSantis eventually stacked up a list of Trump failures at campaign stops: the Covid shut down, rising debt, failure to complete a Southern border wall and his inability to purge bureaucrats from the federal government.

He seemed to think the path to victory was out-flanking Trump on the right: Signing into law a six-week abortion ban, vowing to shoot suspected drug cartel members “stone cold dead” and railing against the “woke mind virus.” He also adopted MAGA-style isolationism, calling Russia’s invasion of Ukraine a “territorial dispute.”

The positions appealed to many evangelical Christians who play an influential role in the Iowa caucus, helping DeSantis win the coveted endorsement of Iowa Gov. Kim Reynolds. But they turned off some wealthy donors, who had initially been eying his candidacy.

But a national political operative who supports DeSantis and reviewed polling on Trump said it was difficult to find an argument that resonated with the former president’s base.

“Their connection isn’t to principles or to the America First agenda — it’s emotional to Trump,” said the person, granted anonymity to share insights about the primary. “There’s no logic that’s going to convince them.”



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DeSantis exits presidential race


TALLAHASSEE, Florida — Gov. Ron DeSantis ended his turbulent campaign Sunday after he was unable to convince Republicans to set aside their allegiance to the man who helped his own political career.

DeSantis’ run came to a halt following a dispiriting second-place finish in Iowa, a state where he and allies poured millions into an aggressive get-out-the-vote effort that featured the governor visiting all 99 counties. He spent week after week in the state instead of establishing a presence in other early voting states like New Hampshire and South Carolina.

DeSantis had initially been considered a formidable challenger to former President Donald Trump. But DeSantis was unable to gain traction in the primary, with Trump instead steadily consolidating support and rising in the polls before a dominant win in Iowa.

On Sunday, DeSantis also endorsed the former president for president.

"[Trump] has my endorsement because we cannot go back to the old Republican guard of yesteryear, a repackaged form of warmed-over corporatism that Nikki Haley represents," he said.

DeSantis picked up the endorsement of Iowa Gov. Kim Reynolds and other key evangelical leaders in Iowa, but he couldn’t win over the bulk of voters who remained loyal to Trump despite his 91 criminal charges.

DeSantis initially tried to avoid criticizing the former president — whose backing helped him win the 2018 primary for governor — but in recent months argued that Trump had lost “his fastball” and failed to live up to his previous promises such as building a border wall.

The decision by DeSantis to formally end his campaign will immediately lead to speculation about his future. DeSantis, 45, has repeatedly ruled out serving as a running mate for either Trump or former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley and has said he would rather return to Florida and finish his term as governor for the remaining two years. DeSantis is in his second stint and will be term-limited from running again in 2026.

“I don’t think it’s a position that offers much,” DeSantis said earlier this month about the vice president spot.

DeSantis has previously said he would endorse the eventual GOP nominee, but the question is whether his decision to challenge Trump will hover over any future political moves including a possible run in 2028.

Trump has repeatedly gone after DeSantis for being “disloyal” and said DeSantis would have left politics completely if not for Trump’s help. DeSantis and Haley also repeatedly clashed ahead of the Iowa caucuses as her allies called DeSantis “weak.” Their animosity spilled over during a recent debate in Iowa, where Haley called DeSantis desperate and the governor said she’s “mealy mouthed.”

After winning the governor’s race in 2018, DeSantis rose to national prominence amid his handling of the Covid-19 pandemic, where he pushed back against mask and vaccine mandates as well as lockdowns. He followed that up with high-profile battles over race and gender identity and a clash with Disney, one of the state’s biggest employers, after the entertainment giant criticized legislation that banned teaching about sexual orientation in lower grades that critics called the “Don’t Say Gay” bill.

He crushed Democrat Charlie Crist in his 2022 reelection battle by nearly 20 points and was seen by some Republicans and high-profile donors as the successor to the chaos of the Trump years. Another significant advantage was that DeSantis was able to raise tens of millions of dollars for his reelection effort that eventually wound its way to a super PAC that was set up to aid his presidential campaign.

But the campaign fell into disarray amid a series of missteps, including a decision to delay his entrance into the race so he could get the Florida Legislature to pass a series of contentious GOP red-meat pieces of legislation that DeSantis could use on the campaign trail. His initial campaign announcement held on Twitter, now called X, was a glitch-filled exercise. Then it turned out his campaign was spending too much money too quickly, which led to layoffs and a reshuffling of top staff.

DeSantis’ main reason for losing, however, was his inability to persuade a majority of Republican voters to abandon Trump, even as he tried to sell himself as a more competent conservative whose record in Florida proved he could “beat the left” as he constantly repeated on the campaign trail.

The criminal indictments against Trump — along with the poor numbers for President Joe Biden — led to a consolidation of support for the former president. He broke fundraising records off of his indictment and swept poll after poll. DeSantis was left to all but defend Trump, while attempting to persuade Republicans he had become a more viable option in a general election.

Ahead of the contests in Iowa and New Hampshire, DeSantis argued that the media and Democrats wanted Trump to be the nominee because then the 2024 election would focus on Trump’s criminal charges, his unproven allegations of voter fraud in the last presidential election, and the January 6th riots.

“Let’s focus on your issues, let’s focus on Biden’s failures,” he said during a January campaign stop in Iowa.

Yet he also veered away from more direct criticism of Trump, telling a voter during an early January stop that he didn’t want to “smear” the former president even though the media wanted him to do that.

“I’ve never understood Ron’s approach,” said former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, who waged his own long-shot campaign to bring down Trump and said that DeSantis did not give voters a real reason to pick him over the former president. “If you present yourself as New Coke, and Coke’s still on the shelves, they are going to buy Coke not New Coke.”



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A patchwork anti-Trump crew is rallying around Nikki Haley


When former Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson threw his support behind Nikki Haley in the GOP presidential race, his message was as much an indictment of the former president as it was an endorsement of Haley ahead of New Hampshire’s Tuesday primary.

“Anyone who believes Donald Trump will unite this country has been asleep over the last 8 years. Trump intentionally tries to divide America and will continue to do so. Go @NikkiHaley in New Hampshire,” Hutchinson wrote on X, formerly Twitter, on Saturday afternoon.

Haley’s well-timed bump in the polls in the Granite State — bolstered by a timely endorsement from the state’s popular GOP governor, Chris Sununu — has elevated the first-in-the-nation primary as the event to watch this election season. It’s also drawn Haley, a former governor of South Carolina and former Trump administration official, the backing of several of the loudest anti-Trump voices still left in the Republican Party.

Around the same time Hutchinson called on New Hampshire voters to support Haley, GOP Gov. Phil Scott of Vermont did the same: “After years of controversy, violent rhetoric and growing polarization, the very last thing we need is four more years of Donald Trump,” Scott said in a statement, calling Haley “our only chance to ensure America has the choice it deserves in November.”

Just over a week earlier, former Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan, who’s been eyed as a possible third-party candidate, backed Haley ahead of Iowa’s caucuses, calling her “the strongest chance” for Republicans to put forward the best possible candidate in the general election.

And the most-prominent New Hampshire newspaper, the Union Leader, joined the chorus this weekend, endorsing Haley, touting both her character and her experience. Despite its conservative bent, the paper backed Joe Biden in the 2020 general election, defying its long history of supporting conservatives in the general election.

“If you can select a Republican ballot on Tuesday,” the editorial said, “we urge you to select Nikki Haley as your next president. New Hampshire is ready for a change. America is ready for a change. The world is ready for a change. We want a better option than we have had for the past eight years, and Nikki Haley is that option.”

The slate of late-breaking endorsements would normally be a boon for a candidate hoping to sway voters in the waning days of a campaign. But for Haley, it also brings risk.

The former U.N. ambassador has, like most of the GOP candidates, painstakingly avoided going after Trump head on. Only recently did she ramp up her criticism of the former president, and rule out the possibility that she would accept a job as Trump’s vice president.

While anti-Trump messaging may charm New Hampshire’s more moderate electorate — which includes a significant number of independent voters — it’s unlikely to appeal to the conservatives in other early voting states. And in recent campaign stops in New Hampshire, Trump has attempted to play up Haley’s independent support, claiming that liberals are attempting to "infiltrate the Republican primary,” in New Hampshire.

Haley is also still missing the support of two of the most nationally recognizable Trump detractors: former Rep. Liz Cheney (R-Wyo.) and former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie.

Christie’s exit from the race earlier this month was poised to be a win for Haley, as polls indicated that likely Christie voters eyed Haley as a possible second choice in the race. But Christie, whose campaign hinged on taking on Trump, slammed Haley on his way out the door.

“She’s gonna get smoked,” Christie was caught saying of Haley — although he did not reference her by name. “And you and I both know it. She’s not up to this.”

Haley is still trailing Trump by double digits in recent polls of Granite State voters, her surge appearing to slow. Even Sununu, her top surrogate in the state, has tempered expectations for her on Tuesday.

"She doesn't have to win. I mean, look, nobody goes from single digits in December to 'you absolutely have to win' in January," he said Sunday during an interview on NBC's "Meet the Press."

Trump, meanwhile, has scooped up the support of three of the other also-rans: North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum, Vivek Ramaswamy and most recently (and most stingingly) Sen. Tim Scott, Haley’s fellow South Carolinian, as well as two of his 2016 primary foes, Florida Sen. Marco Rubio and Texas Sen. Ted Cruz.

“It comes right down to, what does America need for the next president?” Scott said Sunday on CNN’s “State of the Union.”

“The only conclusion,” he added later, “is Donald Trump.”



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Sunday 21 January 2024

EU, US near deal on police access to online data

The European Union justice chief is "confident" of an agreement, despite "some major differences" in how to protect civil rights.

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Populism Keeps Rattling the Globe. Elites Have No Idea What to Do.


DAVOS, Switzerland — For more than a decade, forces on the ideological extremes have torn at the global political fabric. And for just as long, the luminaries at the World Economic Forum have fretted about how dangerous that phenomenon is — for the businesses they lead and the countries they govern.

But years into the transnational struggle with resurgent populism, the corporate leaders in Davos appear to have no serious solutions.

In conversation after conversation here, I detected resignation and helplessness among business executives when it came to their counterparts in government. There’s a desperate desire to see the world’s political leaders appeal more to moderates instead of capitalizing on extremes, but there’s also recognition that the political market doesn’t easily reward the people in the middle.

C-suite types fear the polarization will only deepen as half of the global population, in more than 60 countries, votes in 2024 — everywhere from South Africa to the United States. For them, financial consequences can be stark, especially if the results of an election threaten shipping lanes or when campaign rhetoric leads to violence in a place they’ve invested.

“The biggest concern is instability,” the CEO of a private equity fund told me.

These 12 months may well be the biggest election year in history. Many of the campaigns are unfolding in hotbeds of populist and nationalist sentiment, including major democracies such as India.

Far from seeing this as a moment to turn back the tide of insularism, executives are girding for endless backlash. Some say they are worried about speaking up about politics because the far right and the ultra left see them as an enemy. They also have financial responsibilities to shareholders of all political stripes and so must be careful about taking certain stances.

The CEO of one consumer goods company expressed dismay at the bleak campaign messaging across the globe.

“What I worry about is that all the narratives are negative,” this person said.

The WEF’s Global Risks Report 2024 made it clear that social fractures are a widespread worry. Respondents listed “societal and/or political polarization” in the top three concerns, behind No. 2 artificial intelligence-generated misinformation and disinformation and No. 1 extreme weather.



But even as they long for moderate forces to rise above the extremes, there appears to be little sense of how the business community can help make that happen. I kept asking for specific solutions that companies could offer to reduce societal polarization, but I received no concrete responses.

A health care company CEO — who, like others, was granted anonymity because the issue is sensitive in his circles — mused that by having workforces that are spread out and diverse, and by encouraging teamwork, maybe firms can counter destructive political forces.

“As much as politics fails in bringing people together, companies need to step up in bringing people together,” he said. “Many challenges from climate change to how to get equitable access to health care — opportunities and challenges — need debate and need teamwork, and not polarization and not simplification.”

It was a nice sentiment, but it didn’t inspire much more than vague hope.

Like many of the other political observations here, it could have been shared at any time in the past decade. If lessons have been learned from the world’s most acute populist convulsions — the first Trump administration, the Bolsonaro experience in Brazil, the implementation of Brexit and others — they were not in evidence.

Part of the problem for this crowd may be the incredible scale of the election year at hand.

Even some government leaders say the sheer number of elections makes for an uncertain business and regulatory landscape as politicians on the campaign trail put off difficult decisions until after the voting is over.

“I’m very nervous,” said Anne Beathe Tvinnereim, Norway’s minister of international development. “While all these countries are going into campaign mode, things are not getting done.”

Next month’s presidential election in Indonesia — a Muslim-majority country with a population above 270 million — is a case in point. Some corporate leaders are expected to delay their initial public offerings until after they have a sense of how pro-business the new leadership will be.

But by far the No. 1 election of concern here is the one in the United States, which could see Donald Trump return to the White House.

Corporate leaders are reading closely about the Republican frontrunner’s views on tariffs and other economic practices, which are far more isolationist than even the relatively cautious Joe Biden. Whichever way the United States is heading will affect the policies of other governments, leading business executives to ask some very basic questions.

“It’s something as simple as this: Many businesses we have operate across borders. Is a country for or against free trade?” the private equity fund CEO said.



Among those warning Trump against putting up trade barriers is Jeremy Hunt, Britain’s chancellor of the exchequer.

“It would be a profound mistake to move back to protectionism,” he said in Davos when asked about a possible Trump return.

One top question is the fate of the massive Biden-era Inflation Reduction Act, which is spurring investment in green energy in the United States.

Trump’s team has indicated he plans to gut the law. So business leaders wonder whether now’s the time to put their money in the United States or other places indirectly affected by that legislation or whether their long-term contracts could wind up meaning nothing in a year.

In fairness, talk of pure business far outstripped talk of politics as the snow fell in this ski town.

This is, after all, the World Economic Forum, and the sessions are more likely to be about sustainability metrics or taxes than the political scene.

Attendees hobnob over wine and endless cheese in storefronts taken over by Arab Gulf states or companies that go by inscrutable acronyms. Stand outside the bathrooms and ask passersby if they are CEOs and a shocking number will say yes. (“One day!” a woman responded with a smile.)

The coats are oversized, and so are the egos.

And so, in some cases, is the sense of self-pity. In this rarefied environment, I was told that it doesn’t help to be a billionaire, millionaire or merely very rich when it comes to the political environment these days.

After all, actors on both the far left and far right of the political spectrum have anger toward the rich gathered here in Davos, often blaming them for the world’s ills.

“The right says everyone is under threat. The left says the capitalist system is exploitative,” the consumer goods company CEO said.

Some in the Davos crowd preferred to focus on the positive, trusting the logic of the markets to overcome populist currents.

Several pointed to renewable energy as an area in which economic forces appeared to be overcoming partisan resistance because of the falling costs of turning to wind, solar and other sources of power. Even politically conservative places, such as the state of Texas, are taking advantage of non-fossil fuel energies, despite such resources being viewed as leftist.

“If you’re driving down a highway in Texas, and there’s lots of really long straight highways in Texas, you’re going to have oil rigs, as far as the eye can see on this side — you’ve got wind farms, as far as the eye can see on this [other] side,” Suni Harford, president of UBS Asset Management, said during a panel when I asked about electoral calendar concerns.

The Biden administration sent a notable delegation to the forum. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and national security adviser Jake Sullivan delivered remarks and answered questions on the main stage, but they stuck to well-worn talking points.

Even if the U.S. officials had unveiled some grand new ideas, most people here would not have taken them too seriously — certainly not to the point of investing money. Attendees watch the polls, and they know that it’s possible the Biden administration could be gone in 2025.

It does not help matters that the U.S. election comes so late in the year, carrying the potential to upend the global order just two months before the Davos crowd gathers here again.

That intense uncertainty could be why, according to the private equity fund CEO, at this point “very few people have priced in the risk of Trump coming back” in their market analyses.

“In a sense, most people are looking at this as business as usual and not thinking about how disruptive the Trump administration is going to be on geopolitics,” he said.




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